사용자:Twotwo2019/연습장

보스니아 전쟁
유고슬라비아 전쟁의 일부
Bosnian war header.no.png
좌측에서 우측으로 시계 방향으로:
1. 전차 포격을 받고 불타오르는 사라예보집행위원회 건물.
2. 1992년 촬영된 스릅스카 공화국 육군의 장교인 라트코 믈라디치.
3. 사라예보에 주둔중인 노르웨이군 소속 유엔 평화유지군
날짜1992년 4월 6일 - 1995년 12월 14일
3년 8개월 1주 6일간
장소
결과

군사적 대치 상태

  • 데이턴 협정에 따라 보스니아 헤르체고비나가 내부로 분열됨.
  • 101,000명 사망. 사망자 대부분은 보스니아인이다.
  • 제2차 세계 대전 이후 유럽에서 최초의 제노사이드가 일어남.
  • 평화 협정 감독을 위해 NATO 주도로 병력이 배치됨.
  • 평화 협정의 민간 행정부 이행을 총괄하는 총괄대표부가 설치.
교전국
1992년 10월 이전:
보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국의 기 보스니아 헤르체고비나a
헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국의 기 헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국
크로아티아의 기 크로아티아
1992년 10월 이전:
스릅스카 공화국 스릅스카 공화국
세르비아 크라이나의 기 세르비아 크라이나
유고슬라비아 사회주의 연방공화국의 기 유고슬라비아

1992년 10월 - 1994년:

보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국의 기 보스니아 헤르체고비나

1992년 10월 - 1994년:

헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국의 기 헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국
크로아티아의 기 크로아티아

1992년 10월 - 1994년:

스릅스카 공화국 스릅스카 공화국
세르비아 크라이나의 기 세르비아 크라이나
서보스니아 자치주 (1993년 이후)

지원국:
유고슬라비아 연방 공화국의 기 유고슬라비아 연방 공화국

1994년 - 1995년:

보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국의 기 보스니아 헤르체고비나b
헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국의 기 헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국
크로아티아의 기 크로아티아

지원국:
북대서양 조약 기구 NATO (폭격 작전, 1995년)

1994년 - 1995년:

스릅스카 공화국 스릅스카 공화국
세르비아 크라이나의 기 세르비아 크라이나
서보스니아 자치주

지원국:
유고슬라비아 연방 공화국의 기 유고슬라비아 연방 공화국
지휘관

보스니아 헤르체고비나 알리야 이제트베고비치
(보스니아 헤르체고비나의 대통령)
보스니아 헤르체고비나 하리스 실라이지치
(보스니아 헤르체고비나의 총리)
보스니아 헤르체고비나 세페르 할릴로비치
(1992–1993년 ARBiH 참모총장)
보스니아 헤르체고비나 라심 델리치
(1993–1995년 ARBiH 총참모장)
보스니아 헤르체고비나 엔베르 하지하사노비치
(1992–1993년 ARBiH 참모총장)


북대서양 조약 기구 레이튼 W. 스미스 주니어
(AFSOUTH 지휘관)

…기타

크로아티아 프라뇨 투지만
(크로아티아의 대통령)
크로아티아 고이코 슈샤크
(크로아티아 국방부 장관)
크로아티아 얀코 보베트코
(HV 참모총장)


헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국 마테 보반
(1994년까지 헤르체그보스니아의 대통령)
헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국 크레시미르 주바크
(1994년 이후 헤르체그보스니아의 대통령)

헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국 밀리보이 페트코비치
(HVO 참모총장)
…기타

유고슬라비아 연방 공화국 슬로보단 밀로셰비치
(세르비아의 대통령)
유고슬라비아 연방 공화국 몸칠로 페리시치
(VJ 참모총장)


스릅스카 공화국 라도반 카라지치
(스릅스카 공화국의 대통령)
스릅스카 공화국 라트코 믈라디치
(VRS 참모총장)


피크레트 아브디치 (서보스니아 자치주의 대통령)

…기타
병력
ARBiH:
현역군 110,000명
예비군 100,000명
전차 40대
APC 30대[1]
HVO:
45,000–50,000명[2]
전차 75대
APC 50대
포 200문[3]
HV:
15,000명[4]
1992년:
JNA:
미상
1992년 이후
VRS:
80,000명
전차 300대
APC 700대
포 800문[5]
서보스니아 자치주:
4,000–5,000명[6]
피해 규모
군인 30,521명 사망
민간인 31,583명 사망[7][8]
군인 6,000명 사망
민간인 2,484명 사망[7][8]
군인 21,173명 사망
민간인 4,179명 사망[7][8]
인종과 지위를 특정할 수 없는 추가 사망자 5,100명[9]

a ^ 1992년부터 1994년까지 보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국은 크로아트계 보스니아인 대다수와 세르브계 보스니아인의 지지를 받지 못했다. 따라서 공화국은 거의 대부분 보스니아계 무슬림을 대표하였다.


b ^ 워싱턴 협정에 따라 1994년에서 1995년 사이 보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국은 a의 보스니아계 무슬림과 더불어 크로아트계 보스니아인의 지지도 받았다.

보스니아 전쟁(세르보크로아트어: Rat u Bosni i Hercegovini / 세르비아어: Рат у Босни и Херцеговини)은 1992년부터 1995년까지 보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국 등지에서 일어난 국제적인 무장 분쟁이다. 1992년 초부터 여러 폭력 사건이 일어났으며 보통 1992년 4월 6일에 개전한 것으로 인식된다. 전쟁은 1995년 12월 14일에 끝났다. 전쟁에 참여한 주요국으로는 보스니아 헤르체고비나와 각각 세르비아크로아티아가 지원하고 주도하는 준국가스릅스카 공화국, 헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공화국이 있었다.[10][11]

보스니아 전쟁은 유고슬라비아 해체의 한 과정이다. 슬로베니아와 크로아티아가 1991년 유고슬라비아 사회주의 연방공화국에서 독립 선언을 한데 뒤이어 무슬리마니 보스니아인 44%, 세르비아 정교회 계열 세르브인 32.5%, 로마 가톨릭교회 크로아트인 17% 등등으로 구성된 다민족국가인 보스니아 헤르체고비나 사회주의 공화국도 1992년 2월 29일 독립 국민투표를 통과하였다. 세르브계 보스니아인들은 국민투표를 보이콧했으며 결과에 대해서도 받아들이지 않았다. 보스니아 헤르체고비나가 국제적으로 인정받고 독립을 선언하고 알리야 이제트베고비치 대통령이 종전에 서명하였던 쿠틸레이루 계획 (보스니아를 각 민족주로 분할하는 계획)에 탈퇴한데 이어[12] 라도반 카라지치가 이끄는 세르브계 보스니아인들이 슬로보단 밀로셰비치 세르비아 대통령 및 보스니아 헤르체고비아 내에 동원되어 세르비아계 영토를 확대하기 위해 움직인 유고슬라비아 인민군(JNA)의 지원을 받아 인종 청소를 자행하며 전국으로 전쟁이 확대되었다.

보스니아 분쟁은 초기에 보스니아 내의 유고슬라비아 육군 세력이 한 편으로 나중에 스릅스카 공화국군(VRS)로 재편되었으며, 이에 맞써 보스니아인으로 구성된 보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국군(ARBiH) 및 크로아티아계로 구성된 크로아티아 국방위원회(HVO)가 같은 편으로 싸웠다. 하지만 1992년 말부터 보스니아인과 크로아트인 사이 민족 긴장이 높아지면서 결국 1993년 초에는 크로아티아-보스니아 전쟁으로 확대되었다.[13] 보스니아 전쟁은 격렬한 전투, 도시와 마을에 대한 무차별 포격, 인종 청소체계적 집단강간 등의 행위가 일어난 것이 특징으로 이런 일은 거의 대부분 세르비아계가 저질렀으며[14] 그 외에도 세르브계보다는 적지만 크로아트계[15] 및 보느시아계[16] 군사들도 이런 행위를 자행했다. 전후 분쟁의 상징으로는 사라예보 포위전스레브레니차 학살 등의 사건이 알려져 있다.

세르브계는 처음에 유고 인민군이 제공한 무기와 지원으로 군사적으로 우위에 있었지만 1994년 워싱턴 협정에 따라 보스니아계와 크로아트계가 스릅스카 공화국에 대항하여 보스니아 헤르체고비나 연방으로 합치면서 구심점을 잃었다. 1994년 스레브레니차와 마르칼레 학살 이후 파키스탄이 유엔의 보스니아계 무슬림에 대한 소화기 및 미사일 무기 금수조치를 어기고 지원하기 시작하였으며 1995년에는 NATO딜리버레이트 포스 작전으로 스릅스카 공화국의 기지를 폭격하며 개입하면서 전쟁 종식에 결정적인 역할을 하였다.[17][18] 보스니아 전쟁은 1995년 12월 14일 파리에서 보스니아 헤르체고비나의 평화를 위한 기본준비협정이 체결되면서 종식되었다. 1995년 11월 21일에는 미국 오하이오주 데이턴에셔 최종 평화 협정인 데이턴 협정을 맺었다.[19]

2017년 12월 31일 구유고슬라비아 국제형사법원이 문을 닫기 전까지 보스니아 전쟁에서 일어난 전쟁 범죄로 세르비아인 81명, 크로아티아인 24명, 보스니아인 9명이 기소되었다.[20] 가장 최근의 추정에서는 보스니아 전쟁으로 10만명이 사망하였다.[21][22][23] 또한 220만명 이상이 실향민이 되었으며[24] 제2차 세계 대전 이후 유럽에서 가장 파괴적인 분쟁으로 기록되었다.[25][26] 또한 전쟁 기간 대략 12,000명에서 50,000명에 달하는 여성들이 강간을 당했으며, 피해자 중 절대다수가 보스니아인 무슬림교도였다.[27][28]

연표편집

보스니아 전쟁이 언제 시작되었는지에 대해서는 논란이 있다. 1992년 2월 말부터 보스니아 이슬람교도와 크로아트인, 세르브인 사이 충돌이 시작되었으며 그 후 미국[29]유럽 경제 공동체 (ECC)[30]가 보스니아 헤르체고비나를 정식으로 인정한[31][32] 4월 6일 양측의 충돌이 "전면적인 분쟁으로 발전"하였다.[4] 각 학자마다 판단하는 개전일도 다른데 미샤 글레니는 3월 26일을, 톰 갤러거는 4월 2일을, 메리 캘더, 로라 실버, 앨런 리틀은 4월 6일로 보고 있다.[33] 필립 해먼드는 전반적으로 개전일이 1992년 4월 6일이 맞다고 주장하였다.[31]

세르브계 측에서는 1992년 보스니아 헤르체고비나 독립 국민투표 다음날인 1992년 3월 1일 일어난 사라예보 결혼식 공격 사건 당시 신랑 아버지 측이 살해당한 사건을 보스니아 전쟁 첫 사망자로 간주한다.[34] 3월 26일에는 세르브인 학살 사건인 시예코바츠 학살이 일어났으며 4월 1일에서 2일 사이에는 보스니아인 학살 사건인 비옐리나 학살 사건이 일어났다. 4월 5일에는 대규모 군중들이 바리케이드로 향하다 세르브계 군인에게 시위대 1명이 사망하는 사건이 일어났다.[35]

보스니아 전쟁은 1995년 11월 1일에서 21일 사이 미국의 오하이오주 데이턴브라이트-패터슨 공군 기지에서 열린 평화 협상에서 보스니아 헤르체고비나의 평화를 위한 일반토대협정에 합의하고 1995년 12월 14일 파리에서 협정을 체결하면서 공식적으로 끝났다.[36]

배경편집

유고슬라비아 해체편집

보스니아 헤르체고비나의 전쟁은 유고슬라비아 사회주의 연방공화국의 해체로 촉발되었다. 냉전 말기 유고슬라비아 내의 연방 체제에 금이 가기 시작하면서 유고슬라비아 위기가 시작되었다. 유고슬라비아 국가를 장악하던 공산당유고슬라비아 공산주의자 동맹은 점점 세력을 잃어가고 있었다. 한편 1980년 코소보에서의 대규모 폭력사태를 시작으로 유고슬라비아 내에서 민족주의가 대두되기 시작하였다.[37] 세르비아 민족주의자들은 유고슬라비아의 중앙집권화를 꿈꿨으나 기타 유고슬라비아 내 다른 민족들은 유고슬라비아의 연방 자치를 강화하며 지방분권주의에 다가가는 것을 원했다.[38]

오스만 제국의 통치를 받은 보스니아 헤르체고비나는 역사적으로도 다민족 국가였다. 1991년 인구총조사에 따르면 전 국민 중 44%가 무슬림(보스니악인)이었으며 32.5%가 세르브인, 17%가 크로아티아인, 6%가 유고슬라비아인이라고 답했다.[39]

1989년 3월 세르비아에서 코소보보이도디나의 자치권을 박탈하고 직접 지배하도록 명시한 세르비아 헌법개정안이 통과되자 유고슬라비아 위기는 심화되었다.[40] 이전까지 코소보와 보이도디나는 자치권을 가지고 있었으며 유고슬라비아 연방 내에서 연방 의사 결정에 독자적인 투표권도 가지고 있었다. 새로이 선출된 슬로보단 밀로셰비치가 통치하는 세르비아는 이제 유고슬라비아 대통령직 투표권 8장 중 3장을 가지고 좌지우지하는 데 성공하였다. 몬테네그로의 지원까지 받은 세르비아는 연방정부의 결정에 큰 영향을 미치고 있었다. 이런 상황에 타 공화국들은 반발하며 유고슬라비아 연방의 개혁을 요구하였다.

1990년 1월 20일 열린 제14차 유고슬라비아 공산주의자 동맹 임시회에서 각 공화국 대표단들은 유고슬라비아 연방 정부의 주요 문제에 대해서 어떤 합의도 내지 못했다. 이 결과 슬로베니아와 크로아티아 대표단은 회장을 나와버렸다. 밀란 쿠챤을 위시로 한 슬로베니아 대표단은 유고슬라비아의 민주개혁과 연방의 분권주의화를 요구했으며 밀로셰비치를 위시로 한 세르비아 대표단은 이에 반대했다.

1990년 11월 보스니아 헤르체고비나에서 열린 첫 다당제 총선에서 유권자들이 민족에 따라 투표가 극명하게 갈리면서 보스니아인에서는 민주행동당(SDA)이, 세르브인계에서는 세르비아 민주당(SDS)이, 크로아트계에서는 크로아티아 민주연합이 우세를 점했다.[41]

각 정당들도 민족에 따라 권력을 분점하여 보스니아 헤르체고비나 사회주의 공화국 대통령직 의장에는 보스니아인이, 의회 의장에는 세르브인이, 총리에는 크로아트인이 나눠가졌다. 분리주의적인 민족주의 정당들은 보스니아 외에도 크로아티아와 슬로베니아에서 권력을 쥐었다.[42]

유고슬라비아 전쟁의 발발편집

 
1991년 보스니아 헤르체고비나의 민족 분포 지도.
      보스니아인       세르브계       크로아트인
 
1991년 11월의 세르브인 자치주들.

1991년 초 유고슬라비아의 6개 공화국과 2개 자치구 지도자들이 유고슬라비아 현 위기에 대한 논의를 위해 수 많은 회의를 열어 만났다.[43] 세르브계 지도부는 연방 내에서 해결하는 방법을 원했으며 크로아티아와 슬로베니아 지도부는 주권국가의 연합으로 재편하는 것을 원했다. 보스니아인의 지도자인 알리야 이제트베고비치는 2월 슬로베니아와 크로아티아 및 4개 공화국간의 느슨한 연합체 체제 방안을 제시하였다. 하지만 직후 이제트베고비치는 입장을 바꿔 유고슬라비아 연방의 존속 조건으로 보스니아의 주권국화를 요구하였다.[44]

3월 25일, 크로아티아의 대통령 프라뇨 투지만과 세르비아의 대통령 슬로보단 밀로셰비치카라조르제보 회담을 열었다.[45] 이 회담에서 두 대통령이 보스니아 헤르체고비나의 분할에 동의했다는 주장이 일부 유고슬라비아 정치인들부터 시작해서 정계에 퍼지며 한동안 논란이 벌어졌다.[46]

6월 6일, 이제트베고비치와 마케도니아의 대통령 키로 글리고로프이 슬로베니아, 크로아티아, 4개 공화국 연방 사이 약한 연합체제를 구상하였으나 밀로셰비치가 이 방안을 거부하였다.[47]

1991년 6월 25일, 슬로베니아와 크로아티아가 동시에 독립을 선포하면서 이와 함께 슬로베니아에서는 열흘 전쟁이라는 짧은 무력충돌과 크로아티아에서는 크로아티아 내 세르브인 다수지역에서 무력 충돌이 광범위하게 퍼지며 크로아티아 독립 전쟁이 시작되었다.[48] 1991년 하반기가 지나며 크로아티아 지역의 전쟁이 격화되었다. 유고슬라비아 인민군은 보스니아 헤르체고비나에서 크로아티아 방면으로 공세를 가했다.[49]

1991년 7월, 라도반 카라지치 총재를 비롯한 세르비아 민주당 대표단과 무슬림 보스니아인 조직(MBO)의 무하메드 필리포비치, 아딜 줄피카르파시치가 SR 세르비아와 SR 몬테네그로의 국가연합에 SR 보스니아 헤르체고비나를 탈퇴시킨다는 방안인 줄피카르파시치–카라지치 협정 초안을 작성하였다. 이 합의는 크로아티아계 정당들이 강하게 비판하였다. 이제트고비치 대통령은 당초에는 이 협정에 찬성하였으나 이후 합의한에 일축하였다.[50][51]

1991년 9월에서 11월 사이 세르비아 민주당은 6계 세르브인 자치 지역(SRS)를 수립하였다.[52] 이는 보스니아가 유고슬라비아에서 분리독립 시도에 반발해 나온 세르브계의 대응이었다.[53] 크로아트계 보스니아인도 이와 비슷한 반응을 보였다.[53]

1991년 8월, 유럽 경제 공동체는 보스니아 헤르체고비나에서의 전쟁을 막기 위한 회담을 개최하였다.

1991년 9월 25일에는 유엔 안전 보장 이사회에서 구 유고슬라비아 영토 내에서 모든 무기 금수 조치를 취하는 유엔 안전 보장 이사회 결의 제713호가 통과되었다. 이 무기 금수 조치는 유고 인민군과 세르비아군에게 별다른 영향을 미치지 못했다. 이 무렵 크로아티아군은 막사 전투를 치르며 유고 인민군으로부터 무기를 탈취해 무장하였다. 금수 조치는 보스니아 전쟁이 시작될 무렵 보스니아 헤르체고비나에 큰 영향을 미쳤다.[54] 세르비아계 군사는 유고 인민군의 장비와 무기를 그대로 인수받았으며, 크로아티아계 군사와 보스니아군은 금수 조치를 어겨가며 크로아티아를 통해 무기를 밀수입했다.[55]

1991년 9월 19일 유고 인민군은 모스타르 시가지 인근 지역에 병력을 증파하였으며 지방정부는 이에 격렬히 반발하였다. 9월 20일에는 유고 인민군이 보스니아 동북부의 비셰그라드를 통해 부코바르 전선으로 병력을 증파하였다. 이에 대응해 지역 내 크로아티아인과 보스니아인은 바리케이드와 기관총 초소를 설치해 길목을 막았다. 이 바리케이드로 60여대의 전차 행렬을 막아세웠으나 다음 날 무력으로 해산되었다. 이 과정에서 약 천여 명의 주민이 피난을 가야 했다. 보스니아 전쟁이 발발하기 거의 7개월 전에 일어난 이 사건은 유고슬라비아 전쟁 기간 보스니아에서의 최초의 유혈 충돌로 기록되었다. 10월 1일에는 유고 인민군이 크로아티아 남부의 도시인 두브로브니크공격하는 작전의 일환으로 헤르체고비나 동부에 있는 크로아티아계 다수 거주 마을인 라브노를 공격하였다.[56]

10월 6일, 보스니아 헤르체고비나의 대통령인 알리야 이제트베고비치는 "우리의 전쟁이 아니다"라는 성명과 함께 크로아티아에서 발발한 전쟁에서 중립을 선언하였다.[57] 한편 이제트베고비치는 10월 14일 보스니아 의회의 연설에서 "군대에 대항하는 어떠한 행동도 하지 말라. (중략) 육군의 존재가 우리에게 있어서 안정이 되는 요소이며, 우리는 이 군대를 필요로 한다. 지금까지는 군대와 문제를 일으킨 적이 없었으며 앞으로도 그러할 것이다"라는 연설을 하였다.[58]

1990년 내내 유고슬라비아 국가보안국RAM 계획을 개발하였으며 세르비아 외 지역에서 세르브계 세력을 조직화하기 위해 신생정당인 세르비아 민주당(SDS)를 통합적으로 통제하고 무기와 탄약을 배치하며 유고슬라비아 인민군의 세르브계 장교들을 선발하여 보냈다.[59]

RAM 계획은 모든 세르브인들을 단일 국가 내에 같이 살도록 하는 제3의 새로운 유고슬라비아를 건국하기 위한 기반 작업 계획이었다.[60]

주세페 차카리아 기자는 1992년 베오그라드에서 열린 세르비아군 장교 회의를 요약해 무슬림 종교 및 사회 구조에서 제일 취약한 부분인 여성과 어린이를 대상으로 하는 명시적인 정책을 채택했다고 보도하였다.[61] RAM 계획은 1980년대부터 이미 작성되왔던 것으로 추정된다.[62] 유고슬라비아의 총리였던 크로아트계 안테 마르코비치가 이 존재를 폭로하였다. 이 계획의 존재와 실현가능성에 있어 보스니아 정부는 충격에 빠졌다.[63][64]

최종적인 정치적 위기편집

1991년 10월 15일, 보스니아 헤르체고비나 사회주의 공화국 의회는 "보스니아 헤르체고비나 주권국 선언"을 과반수의 의석으로 통과시켰다.[65][66] 세르브계 보스니아인 의원들은 개정헌법 70조에서 중요한 문제에 대해서는 절차적 안전장치와 2/3 이상의 압도적 다수가 필요하다고 주장하며 격렬하게 논쟁하였다. 결국 이 선언을 논의하였고 세르브계 보스니아인 의원들은 선언을 보이콧했으나 보이콧 동안 이 선언이 의회에서 통과되었다.[67] 세르브계 정치인들은 1991년 10월 21일 보스니아 헤르체고비나 세르브인 의회를 선포하며 세르브인들은 보스니아가 유고슬라비아 내에 남기를 원한다고 말했다.[53] 알리야 이제트고비치가 이끄는 민주행동(SDA)은 독립을 결정하며 유럽과 미국의 지지를 받았다.[68] 세르비아 민주당은 독립이 선언된다면 세르브계는 자결권을 행사해 보스니아에서 탈퇴할 것이라고 말했다.[68]

보스니아 헤르체고비나의 크로아티아 민주연합은 크로아티아의 집권정당인 크로아티아 민주연합이 분당되어 창당된 정당이다. 당 차원에서 독립을 주장하는 동안 일부 당원들은 크로아트계 다수 지역의 분리를 주장하며 분열되었다.[69] 1991년 11월 크로아트계 다수 지역에서 크로아티아 지도부가 수립되기 시작하였다. 1991년 11월 12일에는 보산스키브로드를 중심으로 보스니아포사비나 크로아티아인 공동체가 수립되었다. 이 공동체는 보스니아 북부 8개 행정구역을 포괄했다.[70] 1991년 11월 18일에는 모스타르를 중심으로 헤르체그보스니아 크로아티아인 공동체가 수립되었다. 마테 보반이 대통령으로 선출되었다.[71] 수립 당시 문서에서는 "공동체는 과거 혹은 어쨌거나 별개의 유고슬라비아로부터 독립한 하나의 국가인 보스니아 헤르체고비나로 존재하는 한 보스니아 헤르체고비나 공화국의 민주적으로 선출된 정부를 존중할 것이다"라고 쓰여 있었다.[72]

Borisav Jović's memoirs show that on 5 December 1991 Milošević ordered the JNA troops in BiH to be reorganised and its non-Bosnian personnel to be withdrawn, in case recognition would result in the perception of the JNA as a foreign force; Bosnian Serbs would remain to form the nucleus of a Bosnian Serb army.[73] Accordingly, by the end of the month only 10–15% of the personnel in the JNA in BiH was from outside the republic.[73] Silber and Little note that Milošević secretly ordered all Bosnian-born JNA soldiers to be transferred to BiH.[73] Jović's memoirs suggest that Milošević planned for an attack on Bosnia well in advance.[73]

On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serbs proclaimed the "Republic of the Serbian People in Bosnia-Herzegovina" (SR BiH, later Republika Srpska), but did not officially declare independence.[53] The Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on Yugoslavia in its 11 January 1992 Opinion No. 4 on Bosnia and Herzegovina stated that the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina should not be recognised because the country had not yet held a referendum on independence.[74]

On 25 January 1992, an hour after the session of parliament was adjourned, the parliament called for a referendum on independence on 29 February and 1 March.[65] The debate had ended after Serb deputies withdrew after the majority Bosniak–Croat delegates turned down a motion that the referendum question be placed before the not yet established Council of National Equality.[75] The referendum proposal was adopted in the form as proposed by Muslim deputies, in the absence of SDS members.[75] As Burg and Shoup note, 'the decision placed the Bosnian government and the Serbs on a collision course'.[75] The upcoming referendum caused international concern in February.[76]

The Croatian War would result in United Nations Security Council Resolution 743 on 21 February 1992, which created the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR).

 
Carrington-Cutillero plan: Serbian cantons shown in red, Bosniak cantons in green, Croat cantons in blue

During the talks in Lisbon on 21–22 February a peace plan was presented by EC mediator José Cutileiro, which proposed the independent state of Bosnia to be divided into three constituent units. Agreement was denounced by the Bosniak leadership on 25 February.[76] On 28 February 1992, the Constitution of the SR BiH declared that the territory of that Republic included "the territories of the Serbian Autonomous Regions and Districts and of other Serbian ethnic entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the regions in which the Serbian people remained in the minority due to the genocide conducted against it in World War II", and it was declared to be a part of Yugoslavia.[77]

The Bosnian Serb assembly members advised Serbs to boycott the referendums held on 29 February and 1 March 1992. The turnout to the referendums was reported as 63.7%, with 92.7% of voters voting in favour of independence (implying that Bosnian Serbs, which made up approximately 34% of the population, largely boycotted the referendum).[78] The Serb political leadership used the referenda as a pretext to set up roadblocks in protest. Independence was formally declared by the Bosnian parliament on 3 March 1992.[29]

March 1992 unrest편집

During the referendum on 1 March, Sarajevo was quiet except for a shooting on a Serbian wedding.[79] The brandishing of Serbian flags in the Baščaršija was seen by Muslims as a deliberate provocation on the day of the referendum, which was supported by most Bosnian Croats and Muslims but boycotted by most of the Bosnian Serbs.[80] Nikola Gardović, the bridegroom's father, was killed, and a Serbian Orthodox priest was wounded. Witnesses identified the killer as Ramiz Delalić, also known as "Celo", a minor gangster who had become an increasingly brazen criminal since the fall of communism and was also stated to have been a member of the Bosniak paramilitary group "Green Berets". Arrest warrants were issued against him and another suspected assailant. SDS denounced the killing and claimed that the failure to arrest him was due to SDA or Bosnian government complicity.[81][82] A SDS spokesman stated it was evidence that Serbs were in mortal danger and would be further so in an independent Bosnia, which was rejected by Sefer Halilović, founder of the Patriotic League, who stated that it wasn't a wedding but a provocation and accused the wedding guests of being SDS activists. Barricades appeared in the following early morning at key transit points across the city and were manned by armed and masked SDS supporters.[83]

Following Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of independence from Yugoslavia on 3 March 1992, sporadic fighting broke out between Serbs and government forces all across the territory.[84]

On 18 March 1992, all three sides signed the Lisbon Agreement: Alija Izetbegović for the Bosniaks, Radovan Karadžić for the Serbs and Mate Boban for the Croats. However, on 28 March 1992, Izetbegović, after meeting with the then-US ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmermann in Sarajevo, withdrew his signature and declared his opposition to any type of ethnic division of Bosnia.

What was said and by whom remains unclear. Zimmerman denies that he told Izetbegovic that if he withdrew his signature, the United States would grant recognition to Bosnia as an independent state. What is indisputable is that Izetbegovic, that same day, withdrew his signature and renounced the agreement.[85]

In late March 1992, there was fighting between Serbs and combined Croat and Bosniak forces in and near Bosanski Brod,[86] resulting in the killing of Serb villagers in Sijekovac.[87] Serb paramilitaries committed the Bijeljina massacre, most of the victims of which were Bosniaks, on 1–2 April 1992.[88]

Factions편집

There were three factions in the Bosnian War:

The three ethnic groups predominantly supported their respective ethnic or national faction: Bosniaks mainly the ARBiH, Croats the HVO, Serbs the VRS. There were foreign volunteers in each faction.

Bosnian편집

 
Alija Izetbegović during his visit to the United States in 1997

The Bosniaks mainly organised into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Armija Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, ARBiH) as the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were divided into five Corps. 1st Corps operated in the region of Sarajevo and Goražde, while the stronger 5th Corps was positioned in the western Bosanska Krajina pocket, which cooperated with HVO units in and around Bihać. The Bosnian government forces were poorly equipped and unprepared for war.틀:According to whom[89]

Sefer Halilović, Chief of Staff of the Bosnian Territorial Defense, claimed in June 1992 that his forces were 70% Muslim, 18% Croat and 12% Serb.[90] The percentage of Serb and Croat soldiers in the Bosnian Army was particularly high in Sarajevo, Mostar and Tuzla.[91] The deputy commander of the Bosnian Army's Headquarters, was general Jovan Divjak, the highest-ranking ethnic Serb in the Bosnian Army. General Stjepan Šiber, an ethnic Croat was the second deputy commander. Izetbegović also appointed colonel Blaž Kraljević, commander of the Croatian Defence Forces in Herzegovina, to be a member of Bosnian Army's Headquarters, seven days before Kraljević's assassination, in order to assemble a multi-ethnic pro-Bosnian defense front.[92] This diversity was to reduce over the course of the war.[90][93]

The Bosnian government lobbied to have the arms embargo lifted, but that was opposed by the United Kingdom, France and Russia. U.S. proposals to pursue this policy were known as lift and strike. The US congress passed two resolutions calling for the embargo to be lifted, but both were vetoed by President Bill Clinton for fear of creating a rift between the US and the aforementioned countries. Nonetheless, the United States used both "black" C-130 transports and back channels, including Islamist groups, to smuggle weapons to Bosnian-Muslim forces, as well as allowed Iranian-supplied arms to transit through Croatia to Bosnia.[94][95][96] However, in light of widespread NATO opposition to American (and possibly Turkish) endeavors in coordinating the "black flights of Tuzla", the United Kingdom and Norway expressed disapproval of these measures and their counterproductive effects on NATO enforcement of the arms embargo.[97]

Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence also played an active role during 1992–1995 and secretly supplied the Muslim fighters with arms, ammunition and guided anti tank missiles to give them a fighting chance against the Serbs. Pakistan defied the UN ban on supplying arms to Bosnian Muslims, and General Javed Nasir later claimed that the ISI had airlifted anti-tank guided missiles to Bosnia, which ultimately turned the tide in favour of Bosnian Muslims and forced the Serbs to lift the siege.[98][99][100]

In his book The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President from 2009, historian and author Taylor Branch, a friend of U.S. President Bill Clinton, made public more than 70 recorded sessions with the president during his presidency from 1993 through 2001.[101][102] According to a session taped on 14 October 1993, it is stated that:

Clinton said U.S. allies in Europe blocked proposals to adjust or remove the embargo. They justified their opposition on plausible humanitarian grounds, arguing that more arms would only fuel the bloodshed, but privately, said the president, key allies objected that an independent Bosnia would be "unnatural" as the only Muslim nation in Europe. He said they favored the embargo precisely because it locked in Bosnia's disadvantage. [..] When I expressed shock at such cynicism, reminiscent of the blind-eye diplomacy regarding the plight of Europe's Jews during World War II, President Clinton only shrugged. He said President François Mitterrand of France had been especially blunt in saying that Bosnia did not belong, and that British officials also spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Against Britain and France, he said, German chancellor Helmut Kohl among others had supported moves to reconsider the United Nations arms embargo, failing in part because Germany did not hold a seat on the U.N. Security Council.

— Taylor Branch, The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President[103]

Croat편집

The Croats started organizing their military forces in late 1991. On 8 April 1992, the Croatian Defence Council (Hrvatsko vijeće obrane, HVO) was founded as the "supreme body of Croatian defence in Herzeg-Bosnia".[104] The HVO was organised in four Operative Zones with headquarters in Mostar, Tomislavgrad, Vitez and Orašje.[105] In February 1993, the HVO Main Staff estimated the strength of the HVO at 34,080 officers and men.[106] Its armaments included around 50 main battle tanks, mainly T-34 and T-55, and 500 various artillery weapons.[107]

At the beginning of the war, the Croatian government helped arm both the Croat and Bosniak forces.[108] Logistics centres were established in Zagreb and Rijeka for the recruitment of soldiers for the ARBiH.[109] The Croatian National Guard (Zbor Narodne Garde, ZNG), later renamed officially to Croatian Army (Hrvatska vojska, HV) was engaged in Bosnian Posavina, Herzegovina and Western Bosnia against the Serb forces.[110] During the Croat-Bosniak conflict, the Croatian government provided arms for the HVO and organised the sending of units of volunteers, with origins from Bosnia and Herzegovina, to the HVO.[111]

The Croatian Defence Forces (HOS), the paramilitary wing of the Croatian Party of Rights, fought against the Serb forces together with the HVO and ARBiH. The HOS was disbanded shortly after the death of their commander Blaž Kraljević and incorporated into the HVO and ARBiH.[112]

Serb편집

The Army of Republika Srpska (Vojska Republike Srpske, VRS) was established on 12 May 1992. It was loyal to Republika Srpska, a Serb breakaway state that sought unification with FR Yugoslavia.

Serbia provided logistical support, money and supplies to the VRS. Bosnian Serbs had made up a substantial part of the JNA officer corps. Milošević relied on the Bosnian Serbs to win the war themselves. Most of the command chain, weaponry, and higher-ranked military personnel, including General Ratko Mladić, were JNA.[113]

Paramilitary and volunteers편집

Various paramilitary units operated during the Bosnian War: the Serb "White Eagles" (Beli Orlovi) and "Serbian Volunteer Guard" (Srpska Dobrovoljačka Garda), also known as "Arkan's Tigers"; the Bosnian "Patriotic League" (Patriotska Liga) and "Green Berets" (Zelene Beretke); and Croat "Croatian Defence Forces" (Hrvatske Obrambene Snage), etc. The Serb and Croat paramilitaries involved volunteers from Serbia and Croatia, and were supported by nationalist political parties in those countries.[출처 필요]

The war attracted foreign fighters and mercenaries from various countries. Volunteers came to fight for a variety of reasons, including religious or ethnic loyalties and in some cases for money. As a general rule, Bosniaks received support from Islamic countries, Serbs from Eastern Orthodox countries, and Croats from Catholic countries. The presence of foreign fighters is well documented, however none of these groups comprised more than 5 percent of any of the respective armies' total manpower strength.[출처 필요]

The Bosnian Serbs received support from Christian Slavic fighters from various countries in Eastern Europe,[114][115] including volunteers from other Orthodox Christian countries. These included hundreds of Russians,[116] around 100 Greeks,[117] and some Ukrainians and Romanians.[117] Some estimate as many as 1,000 such volunteers.[118] Greek volunteers of the Greek Volunteer Guard were reported to have taken part in the Srebrenica Massacre, with the Greek flag being hoisted in Srebrenica when the town fell to the Serbs.[119]

Some individuals from other European countries volunteered to fight for the Croat side, including Neo-Nazis such as Jackie Arklöv, who was charged with war crimes upon his return to Sweden. Later he confessed he committed war crimes on Bosnian Muslim civilians in the Heliodrom and Dretelj camps as a member of Croatian forces.[120]

The Bosnians received support from Muslim groups. Pakistan supported Bosnia while providing technical and military support.[121][122] Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) allegedly ran an active military intelligence program during the Bosnian War which started in 1992 lasting until 1995. Executed and supervised by Pakistani General Javed Nasir, the program provided logistics and ammunition supplies to various groups of Bosnian mujahideen during the war. The ISI Bosnian contingent was organised with financial assistance provided by Saudi Arabia, according to the British historian Mark Curtis.[123]

According to The Washington Post, Saudi Arabia provided $300 million in weapons to government forces in Bosnia with the knowledge and tacit cooperation of the United States, a claim denied by US officials.[124] Foreign Muslim fighters also joined the ranks of the Bosnian Muslims, including from the Lebanese guerrilla organisation Hezbollah,[125] and the global organization al-Qaeda.[126][127][128][129]

Prelude편집

During the war in Croatia, arms had been pouring into Bosnia. The JNA armed Bosnian Serbs, and the Croatian Defence Force armed Herzegovinian Croats.[130] The Bosnian Muslim Green Berets and Patriotic League were established already in fall 1991, and drew up a defense plan in February 1992.[130] It was estimated that 250–300,000 Bosnians were armed, and that some 10,000 were fighting in Croatia.[131] By March 1992, perhaps three quarters of the country were claimed by Serb and Croat nationalists.[131] On 4 April 1992, Izetbegović ordered all reservists and police in Sarajevo to mobilise, and SDS called for evacuation of the city's Serbs, marking the 'definite rupture between the Bosnian government and Serbs'.[132] Bosnia and Herzegovina received international recognition on 6 April 1992.[29] The most common view is that the war started that day.[133]

Course of the war편집

1992편집

 
A victim of a mortar attack delivered to a Sarajevo hospital in 1992

Bosnian Serb political leader Radovan Karadžić stated "Our optimum is a Greater Serbia, and if not that, then a Federal Yugoslavia".[134] The war in Bosnia escalated in April.[135] On 3 April, the Battle of Kupres began between the JNA and a combined HV-HVO force that ended in a JNA victory.[136] On 6 April Serb forces began shelling Sarajevo, and in the next two days crossed the Drina from Serbia proper and besieged Muslim-majority Zvornik, Višegrad and Foča.[132] All of Bosnia was engulfed in war by mid-April.[132] On 23 April, the JNA evacuated its personnel by helicopter from the barracks in Čapljina,[137] which had been blockaded since 4 March.[138] There were some efforts to halt violence.[139] On 27 April, the Bosnian government ordered the JNA to be put under civilian control or expelled, which was followed by a series of conflicts in early May between the two.[140] Prijedor was taken over by Serbs on 30 April.[출처 필요] On 2 May, the Green Berets and local gang members fought back a disorganised Serb attack aimed at cutting Sarajevo in two.[140] On May 3, Izetbegović was kidnapped at the Sarajevo airport by JNA officers, and used to gain safe passage of JNA troops from downtown Sarajevo.[140] However, Bosnian forces attacked the departing JNA convoy, which embittered all sides.[140] A cease-fire and agreement on evacuation of the JNA was signed on 18 May, and on 20 May the Bosnian presidency declared the JNA an occupation force.[140]

The Army of Republika Srpska was newly established and put under the command of General Ratko Mladić, in a new phase of the war.[140] Shellings on Sarajevo on 24, 26, 28 and 29 May were attributed to Mladić by UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali.[141] Civilian casualties of a 27 May shelling of the city led to Western intervention, in the form of sanctions imposed on 30 May through UNSCR 757.[141] That same day Bosnian forces attacked the JNA barracks in the city, which was followed by heavy shelling.[141] On 5 and 6 June the last JNA personnel left the city during heavy street fighting and shelling.[141] The 20 June cease-fire, executed in order for UN takeover of the Sarajevo airport for humanitarian flights, was broken as both sides battled for control of the territory between the city and airport.[141] The airport crisis led to Boutros-Ghali's ultimatum on 26 June, that the Serbs stop attacks on the city, allow the UN to take control of the airport, and place their heavy weapons under UN supervision.[141] Meanwhile, media reported that Bush considered the use of force in Bosnia.[141] World public opinion was 'decisively and permanently against the Serbs' following media reports on the sniping and shelling of Sarajevo.[142]

 
Goran Jelisić shooting at a Bosnian Muslim victim in Brčko in 1992

Outside of Sarajevo, the combatants' successes varied greatly in 1992.[142] Serbs had seized Muslim-majority cities along the Drina and Sava rivers and expelled their Muslim population within months.[142] A joint Bosnian–HVO offensive in May, having taken advantage of the confusion following JNA withdrawal, reversed Serb advances into Posavina and central Bosnia.[142] The offensive continued southwards, besieging Doboj, thereby cutting off Serb forces in Bosanska Krajina from Semberija and Serbia.[142] In mid-May, Srebrenica was retaken by Bosnian forces under Naser Orić.[142] Serb forces suffered a costly defeat in eastern Bosnia in May, when according to Serbian accounts Avdo Palić's force was ambushed near Srebrenica, killing 400.[142] From May to August, Goražde was besieged by the VRS, until they were pushed out by the ARBiH. In April 1992, Croatian Defence Council (HVO) entered the town of Orašje and, according to Croatian sources, began a mass campaign of harassment against local Serb civilians, including torture, rape and murder.[143][144]

On 15 May 1992, a JNA column was ambushed in Tuzla. 92nd Motorised JNA Brigade (stationed in "Husinska buna" barracks in Tuzla) received orders to leave the city of Tuzla and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and to enter Serbia. An agreement was made with the Bosnian government that JNA units would be allowed until 19 May to leave Bosnia peacefully. Despite the agreement, the convoy was attacked in Tuzla's Brčanska Malta district with rifles and rocket launchers; mines were also placed along its route. 52 JNA soldiers were killed and over 40 were wounded, most of them ethnic Serbs.[145][146]

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was admitted as a member State of the United Nations on 22 May 1992.[147]

 
Model of the Čelebići camp, near Konjic, presented as evidence in the Mucić et al. trial

From May to December 1992, the Bosnian Ministry of the Interior (BiH MUP), Croatian Defence Council (HVO) and later the Bosnian Territorial Defence Forces (TO RBiH) operated the Čelebići prison camp. It was used to detain 700 Bosnian Serb prisoners of war arrested during military operations that were intended to de-block routes to Sarajevo and Mostar in May 1992 which had earlier been blocked by Serb forces. Of these 700 prisoners, 13 died while in captivity.[148] Detainees at the camp were subjected to torture, sexual assaults, beatings and otherwise cruel and inhuman treatment. Certain prisoners were shot and killed or beaten to death.[149][150]

On 6 May 1992, Mate Boban met with Radovan Karadžić in Graz, Austria, where they reached an agreement for a ceasefire and discussed the details of the demarcation between a Croat and Serb territorial unit in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[151] However, the ceasefire was broken on the following day when the JNA and Bosnian Serb forces mounted an attack on Croat-held positions in Mostar.[152]

By June 1992, the number of refugees and internally displaced persons had reached 2.6 million.[153] By September 1992, Croatia had accepted 335,985 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly Bosniak civilians (excluding men of drafting age).[154] The large number of refugees significantly strained the Croatian economy and infrastructure.[155] Then-U.S. Ambassador to Croatia, Peter Galbraith, tried to put the number of Muslim refugees in Croatia into a proper perspective in an interview on 8 November 1993. He said the situation would be the equivalent of the United States taking in 30,000,000 refugees.[156] The number of Bosnian refugees in Croatia was at the time surpassed only by the number of the internally displaced persons within Bosnia and Herzegovina itself, at 588,000.[154] Serbia took in 252,130 refugees from Bosnia, while other former Yugoslav republics received a total of 148,657 people.[154]

 
Map of Operation Corridor 92, fought between the VRS and the HV-HVO

In June 1992, the Bosnian Serbs started Operation Corridor in northern Bosnia against HV–HVO forces, to secure an open road between Belgrade, Banja Luka, and Knin.[157] The reported deaths of twelve newborn babies in Banja Luka hospital due to a shortage of bottled oxygen for incubators was cited as an immediate cause for the action,[158] but the veracity of these deaths has since been questioned. Borisav Jović, a contemporary high-ranking Serbian official and member of the Yugoslav Presidency, has claimed that the report was just wartime propaganda, stating that Banja Luka had two bottled oxygen production plants in its immediate vicinity and was virtually self-reliant in that respect.[159] Operation Corridor began on 14 June 1992, when the 16th Krajina Motorized Brigade of the VRS, aided by a VRS tank company from Doboj, began the offensive near Derventa. The VRS captured Modriča on 28 June, Derventa on 4–5 July, and Odžak on 12 July. The HV–HVO forces were reduced to isolated positions around Bosanski Brod and Orašje, which held out during August and September. The VRS managed to break through their lines in early October and capture Bosanski Brod. Most of the remaining Croat forces withdrew north to Croatia. The HV–HVO continued to hold the Orašje enclave and were able to repel an VRS attack in November.[160]

On 21 June 1992, Bosniak forces entered the Bosnian Serb village of Ratkovići near Srebrenica and murdered 24 Serb civilians.[161]

In June 1992, the UNPROFOR, originally deployed in Croatia, had its mandate extended into Bosnia and Herzegovina, initially to protect the Sarajevo International Airport. In September, the role of UNPROFOR was expanded to protect humanitarian aid and assist relief delivery in the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to help protect civilian refugees when required by the Red Cross.[출처 필요]

On 4 August 1992, the IV Knight Motorised Brigade of the ARBiH attempted to break through the circle surrounding Sarajevo, and a fierce battle ensued between the ARBiH and the VRS in and around the damaged FAMOS factory in the suburb of Hrasnica (Ilidža)([[:bs:{{{3}}}|보스니아어판]]). The VRS repelled the attack, but failed to take Hrasnica in a decisive counterattack.[162]

On 12 August 1992, the name of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was changed to Republika Srpska (RS).[77][163] By November 1992, 1,000 제곱킬로미터 (400 mi2) of eastern Bosnia was under Muslim control.[142]

Croat–Bosniak relations in late 1992편집

The Croat–Bosniak alliance, formed at the beginning of the war, was often not harmonious.[2] The existence of two parallel commands caused problems in coordinating the two armies against the VRS.[164] An attempt to create a joint HVO and TO military headquarters in mid-April failed.[165] On 21 July 1992, the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation was signed by Tuđman and Izetbegović, establishing a military cooperation between the two armies.[166] At a session held on 6 August, the Bosnian Presidency accepted HVO as an integral part of the Bosnian armed forces.[167]

Despite these attempts, tensions steadily increased throughout the second half of 1992.[165] An armed conflict occurred in Busovača in early May and another one on 13 June. On 19 June, a conflict between the units of the TO on one side, and HVO and HOS units on the other side broke out in Novi Travnik. Incidents were also recorded in Konjic in July, and in Kiseljak and the Croat settlement of Stup in Sarajevo during August.[168] On 14 September, the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina declared the proclamation of Herzeg-Bosnia unconstitutional.[169]

On 18 October, a dispute over a gas station near Novi Travnik that was shared by both armies escalated into armed conflict in the town center. The situation worsened after HVO Commander Ivica Stojak was killed near Travnik on 20 October.[170] On the same day, fighting escalated on an ARBiH roadblock set on the main road through the Lašva Valley. Spontaneous clashes spread throughout the region and resulted in almost 50 casualties until a ceasefire was negotiated by the UNPROFOR on 21 October.[171] On 23 October, a major battle between the ARBiH and the HVO started in the town of Prozor in northern Herzegovina and resulted in an HVO victory.[172]

On 29 October, the VRS captured Jajce. The town was defended by both the HVO and the ARBiH, but the lack of cooperation, as well as an advantage in troop size and firepower for the VRS, led to the fall of the town.[173][174] Croat refugees from Jajce fled to Herzegovina and Croatia, while around 20,000 Bosniak refugees settled in Travnik, Novi Travnik, Vitez, Busovača, and villages near Zenica.[174] Despite the October confrontations, and with each side blaming the other for the fall of Jajce, there were no large-scale clashes and a general military alliance was still in effect.[175] Tuđman and Izetbegović met in Zagreb on 1 November 1992 and agreed to establish a Joint Command of HVO and ARBiH.[176]

1993편집

 
First version of the Vance-Owen plan, which would have established 10 provinces
  Bosniak province
  Croat province
  Serb province
  Sarajevo district
  Present-day administrative borders

On 7 January 1993, Orthodox Christmas Day, 8th Operational Unit Srebrenica, a unit of the ARBiH under the command of Naser Orić, attacked the village of Kravica near Bratunac. 46 Serbs died in the attack: 35 soldiers and 11 civilians.[177][178][179] The attack on a holiday was intentional, as the Serbs were unprepared. The Bosniak forces used the Srebrenica safe zone (where no military was allowed) to carry out attacks on Serb villages including Kravica, and then flee back into the safe zone before the VRS could catch them. 119 Serb civilians and 424 Serb soldiers died in Bratunac during the war.[179] Republika Srpska claimed that the ARBiH forces torched Serb homes and massacred civilians. However, this could not be independently verified during the ICTY trials, which concluded that many homes were already previously destroyed and that the siege of Srebrenica caused hunger, forcing Bosniaks to attack nearby Serb villages to acquire food and weapons to survive. In 2006, Orić was found guilty by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on the charges of not preventing murder of Serbs, but was subsequently acquitted of all charges on appeal.[180]

On 16 January 1993, soldiers of the ARBiH attacked the Bosnian Serb village of Skelani, near Srebrenica.[181][182] 69 people were killed, 185 were wounded.[181][182] Among the victims were 6 children.[183][182]

On 8 January 1993, the Serbs killed the deputy prime minister of the RBiH Hakija Turajlić after stopping the UN convoy taking him from the airport.[184]

A number of peace plans were proposed by the UN, the United States, and the European Community (EC), but they had little impact on the war. These included the Vance-Owen Peace Plan, revealed in January 1993.[185] The plan was presented by the UN Special Envoy Cyrus Vance and EC representative David Owen. It envisioned Bosnia and Herzegovina as a decentralised state with ten autonomous provinces.[186]

On 22 February 1993, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 808 that decided "that an international tribunal shall be established for the prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law".[187] On 15–16 May, the Vance-Owen peace plan was rejected on a referendum.[188] The peace plan was viewed by some as one of the factors leading to the escalation of the Croat–Bosniak conflict in central Bosnia.[189]

On 25 May 1993 the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was formally established by Resolution 827 of the United Nations Security Council.[187] On 31 March 1993, the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution 816, calling on member states to enforce a no-fly zone over Bosnia-Herzegovina.[190] On 12 April 1993, NATO commenced Operation Deny Flight to enforce this no-fly zone.[191]

Outbreak of the Croat–Bosniak War편집

 
Bodies of people killed in April 1993 around Vitez.
 
Novi Travnik in 1993, during the Croat–Bosniak War

Much of 1993 was dominated by the Croat–Bosniak War.[176] In early January, the HVO and the ARBiH clashed in Gornji Vakuf in central Bosnia. A temporary ceasefire was reached after several days of fighting with UNPROFOR mediation.[192] The war spread from Gornji Vakuf into the area of Busovača in the second half of January.[193] Busovača was the main intersection point of the lines of communication in the Lašva Valley. By 26 January, the ARBiH seized control of several villages in the area, including Kaćuni and Bilalovac on the Busovača–Kiseljak road, thus isolating Kiseljak from Busovača. In the Kiseljak area, the ARBiH secured the villages northeast of the town of Kiseljak, but most of the municipality and the town itself remained in HVO control.[194] On 26 January, six POWs and a Serb civilian were killed by the ARBiH in the village of Dusina, north of Busovača.[195] The fighting in Busovača also led to a number of Bosniak civilian casualties.[196]

On 30 January, ARBiH and HVO leaders met in Vitez, together with representatives from UNPROFOR and other foreign observers, and signed a ceasefire in the area of central Bosnia, which came into effect on the following day.[197] The situation was still tense so Enver Hadžihasanović, commander of ARBiH's 3rd Corps, and Tihomir Blaškić, commander of HVO's Operative Zone Central Bosnia, had a meeting on 13 February where a joint ARBiH-HVO commission was formed to resolve incidents.[198] The January ceasefire in central Bosnia held through the following two months and in the first weeks of April, despite numerous minor incidents.[199] The Croats attributed the escalation of the conflict to the increased Islamic policy of the Bosniaks, while Bosniaks accused the Croat side of separatism.[13]

Central Bosnia편집

The beginning of April was marked by a series of minor incidents in central Bosnia between Bosniak and Croat civilians and soldiers, including assaults, murders and armed confrontations.[200] The most serious incidents were the kidnapping of four members of the HVO outside Novi Travnik, and of HVO commander Živko Totić near Zenica by the mujahideen. The ARBiH representatives denied any involvement in these incidents and a joint ARBiH-HVO commission was formed to investigate them. The HVO personnel were subsequently exchanged in May for POWs that were arrested by the HVO.[201] The April incidents escalated into an armed conflict on 15 April in the area of Vitez, Busovača, Kiseljak and Zenica. The outnumbered HVO in the Zenica municipality was quickly defeated, followed by a large exodus of Croat civilians.[202]

In the Busovača municipality, the ARBiH gained some ground and inflicted heavy casualties on the HVO, but the HVO held the town of Busovača and the Kaonik intersection between Busovača and Vitez.[203] The ARBiH failed to cut the HVO held Kiseljak enclave into several smaller parts and isolate the town of Fojnica from Kiseljak.[204] Many Bosniak civilians were detained or forced to leave Kiseljak.[205]

In the Vitez area, Blaškić used his limited forces to carry out spoiling attacks on the ARBiH, thus preventing the ARBiH from cutting of the Travnik–Busovača road and seizing the SPS explosives factory in Vitez.[206] On 16 April, the HVO launched a spoiling attack on the village of Ahmići, east of Vitez. After the attacking units breached the ARBiH lines and entered the village, groups of irregular HVO units went from house to house, burning them and killing civilians. The massacre in Ahmići resulted in more than 100 killed Bosniak civilians.[207][208] Elsewhere in the area, the HVO blocked the ARBiH forces in the Stari Vitez quarter of Vitez and prevented an ARBiH advance south of the town.[209]

On 24 April, mujahideen forces attacked the village of Miletići northeast of Travnik and killed four Croat civilians. The rest of the captured civilians were taken to the Poljanice camp.[195] However, the conflict did not spread to Travnik and Novi Travnik, although both the HVO and the ARBiH brought in reinforcements from this area.[210] On 25 April, Izetbegović and Boban signed a ceasefire agreement.[211] ARBiH Chief of Staff, Sefer Halilović, and HVO Chief of Staff, Milivoj Petković, met on a weekly basis to solve ongoing issues and implement the ceasefire.[212] However, the truce was not respected on the ground and the HVO and ARBiH forces were still engaged in the Busovača area until 30 April.[203]

Herzegovina편집
 
Aerial photograph of destroyed buildings in Mostar

The Croat–Bosniak War spread from central Bosnia to northern Herzegovina on 14 April with an ARBiH attack on a HVO-held village outside of Konjic. The HVO responded with capturing three villages northeast of Jablanica.[213] On 16 April, 15 Croat civilians and 7 POWs were killed by the ARBiH in the village of Trusina, north of Jablanica.[214] The battles of Konjic and Jablanica lasted until May, with the ARBiH taking full control of both towns and smaller nearby villages.[213]

By mid-April, Mostar had become a divided city with the majority Croat western part dominated by the HVO, and the majority Bosniak eastern part dominated by the ARBiH. The Battle of Mostar began on 9 May when both the east and west parts of the city came under artillery fire.[215] Fierce street battles followed that, despite a ceasefire signed on 13 May by Milivoj Petković and Sefer Halilović, continued until 21 May.[216] The HVO established prison camps in Dretelj near Čapljina and in Heliodrom,[217] while the ARBiH formed prison camps in Potoci and in a school in eastern Mostar.[218] The battle was renewed on 30 June. The ARBiH secured the northern approaches to Mostar and the eastern part of the city, but their advance to the south was repelled by the HVO.[219]

June–July Offensives편집

 
The front lines in the Lašva Valley in 1993 between the ARBiH and the HVO, including Novi Travnik, Vitez and Busovača

In the first week of June, the ARBiH attacked the HVO headquarters in the town of Travnik and HVO units positioned on the front lines against the VRS. After three days of street fighting the outnumbered HVO forces were defeated, with thousands of Croat civilians and soldiers fleeing to nearby Serb-held territory as they were cut off from HVO held positions. The ARBiH offensive continued east of Travnik to secure the road to Zenica, which was achieved by 14 June.[220][221] On 8 June, 24 Croat civilians and POWs were killed by the mujahideen near the village of Bikoši.[222] The mujahideen moved into deserted Croat villages in the area following the end of the offensive.[223]

A similar development took place in Novi Travnik. On 9 June, the ARBiH attacked HVO units positioned east of the town, facing the VRS in Donji Vakuf, and the next day heavy fighting followed in Novi Travnik.[224] By 15 June, the ARBiH secured the area northwest of the town, while the HVO kept the northeastern part of the municipality and the town of Novi Travnik. The battle continued into July with only minor changes on the front lines.[225]

The HVO in the town of Kakanj was overran in mid June and around 13–15,000 Croat refugees fled to Kiseljak and Vareš.[226] In the Kiseljak enclave, the HVO held off an attack on Kreševo, but lost Fojnica on 3 July.[227] On 24 June, the Battle of Žepče began that ended with an ARBiH defeat on 30 June.[228] In late July the ARBiH seized control of Bugojno,[226] leading to the departure of 15,000 Croats.[217] A prison camp was established in the town football stadium, where around 800 Croats were sent.[229]

At the beginning of September, the ARBiH launched an operation known as Operation Neretva '93 against the HVO in Herzegovina and central Bosnia, on a 200 km long front. It was one of their largest offensives in 1993. The ARBiH expanded its territory west of Jablanica and secured the road to eastern Mostar, while the HVO kept the area of Prozor and secured its forces rear in western Mostar.[230] During the night of 8/9 September, at least 13 Croat civilians were killed by the ARBiH in the Grabovica massacre. 29 Croat civilians were killed in the Uzdol massacre on 14 September.[231][232]

On 23 October, 37 Bosniaks were killed by the HVO in the Stupni Do massacre.[233] The massacre was used as an excuse for an ARBiH attack on the HVO-held Vareš enclave at the beginning of November. Croat civilians and soldiers abandoned Vareš on 3 November and fled to Kiseljak. The ARBiH entered Vareš on the following day, which was looted after its capture.[234]

May–June 1993 UN Safe Areas extension편집

In an attempt to protect civilians, the role of UNPROFOR was further extended in May 1993 to protect the "safe havens" that United Nations Security Council had declared around Sarajevo, Goražde, Srebrenica, Tuzla, Žepa and Bihać in Resolution 824 of 6 May 1993.[235] On 4 June 1993 the UN Security Council passed Resolution 836 authorising the use of force by UNPROFOR in the protection of the safe zones.[236] On 15 June 1993, Operation Sharp Guard, a naval blockade in the Adriatic Sea by NATO and the Western European Union, began and continued until it was lifted on 18 June 1996 on termination of the UN arms embargo.[236]

The HVO and the ARBiH continued to fight side by side against the VRS in some areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the Bihać pocket, Bosnian Posavina and the Tešanj area. Despite some animosity, an HVO brigade of around 1,500 soldiers also fought along with the ARBiH in Sarajevo.[237][238] In other areas where the alliance collapsed, the VRS occasionally cooperated with both the HVO and ARBiH, pursuing a local balancing policy and allying with the weaker side.[239]

1994편집

The forced deportations of Bosniaks from Serb-held territories and the resulting refugee crisis continued to escalate. Thousands of people were being bused out of Bosnia each month, threatened on religious grounds. As a result, Croatia was strained by 500,000 refugees, and in mid-1994 the Croatian authorities forbade entry to a group of 462 refugees fleeing northern Bosnia, forcing UNPROFOR to improvise shelter for them.[240]

Markale massacre편집

 
Damaged buildings in Grbavica during the Siege of Sarajevo

On 5 February 1994 Sarajevo suffered its deadliest single attack of the entire siege with the first Markale massacre, when a 120 millimeter mortar shell landed in the centre of the crowded marketplace, killing 68 people and wounding another 144. On 6 February, UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali formally requested NATO to confirm that future requests for air strikes would be carried out immediately.[241]

On 9 February 1994, NATO authorised the Commander of Allied Forces Southern Europe (CINCSOUTH), US Admiral Jeremy Boorda, to launch air strikes—at the request of the UN—against artillery and mortar positions in or around Sarajevo determined by UNPROFOR to be responsible for attacks against civilian targets.[236][242] Only Greece failed to support the use of air strikes, but did not veto the proposal.[241]

NATO also issued an ultimatum to the Bosnian Serbs demanding the removal of heavy weapons around Sarajevo by midnight of 20–21 February, or they would face air strikes. On 12 February, Sarajevo enjoyed its first casualty free day since April 1992.[241] The large-scale removal of Bosnian-Serb heavy weapons began on 17 February 1994.[241]

Washington Agreement편집

The Croat-Bosniak war ended with the signing of a ceasefire agreement between the HVO Chief of Staff, general Ante Roso, and the ARBiH Chief of Staff, general Rasim Delić, on 23 February 1994 in Zagreb. The agreement went into effect on 25 February.[243][244] A peace agreement known as the Washington Agreement, mediated by the US, was concluded on 2 March by representatives of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Herzeg-Bosnia. The agreement was signed on 18 March 1994 in Washington. Under this agreement, the combined territory held by the HVO and the ARBiH was divided into autonomous cantons within the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Tuđman and Izetbegović also signed a preliminary agreement on a confederation between Croatia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[245][246] The Croat-Bosniak alliance was renewed, although the issues dividing them were not resolved.[244]

The first military effort coordinated between the HVO and the ARBiH following the Washington Agreement was the advance towards Kupres, which was retaken from the VRS on 3 November 1994.[247] On 29 November, the HV and the HVO initiated Operation Winter '94 in southwestern Bosnia. After a month of fighting, Croat forces had taken around 200 제곱킬로미터 (77 제곱마일) of VRS-held territory and directly threatened the main supply route between Republika Srpska and Knin, the capital of Republic of Serbian Krajina. The primary objective of relieving pressure on the Bihać pocket was not achieved, although the ARBiH repelled VRS attacks on the enclave.[248]

UNPROFOR and NATO편집

 
UN troops on their way up "Sniper Alley" in Sarajevo

NATO became actively involved when its jets shot down four Serb aircraft over central Bosnia on 28 February 1994 for violating the UN no-fly zone.[249] On 12 March 1994, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) made its first request for NATO air support, but close air support was not deployed, owing to a number of delays associated with the approval process.[250] On 20 March an aid convoy with medical supplies and doctors reached Maglaj, a city of 100,000 people, which had been under siege since May 1993 and had been surviving off food supplies dropped by US aircraft. A second convoy on 23 March was hijacked and looted.[245]

On 10–11 April 1994, UNPROFOR called in air strikes to protect the Goražde safe area, resulting in the bombing of a Serbian military command outpost near Goražde by two US F-16 jets.[236][245][250] This was the first time in NATO's history it had conducted air strikes.[245] In retaliation, Serbs took 150 U.N. personnel hostage on 14 April.[236][250] On 15 April the Bosnian government lines around Goražde broke,[245] and on 16 April a British Sea Harrier was shot down over Goražde by Serb forces.

Around 29 April 1994, a Danish contingent (Nordbat 2) on peacekeeping duty in Bosnia, as part of UNPROFOR's Nordic battalion located in Tuzla, was ambushed when trying to relieve a Swedish observation post (Tango 2) that was under heavy artillery fire by the Bosnian Serb Šekovići brigade at the village of Kalesija.[251] The ambush was dispersed when the UN forces retaliated with heavy fire in what would be known as Operation Bøllebank.

On 12 May, the US Senate adopted 틀:USBill, introduced by Sen. Bob Dole, to unilaterally lift the arms embargo against the Bosnians, but it was repudiated by President Clinton.[252][253] On 5 October 1994 Pub.L. 103–337 was signed by the President and stated that if the Bosnian Serbs had not accepted the Contact Group proposal by 15 October the President should introduce a UN Security Council proposal to end the arms embargo, and that if it was not passed by 15 November, only funds required by all UN members under Resolution 713 could be used to enforce the embargo, which would effectively end the embargo.[254] On 12–13 November, the US unilaterally lifted the arms embargo against the government of Bosnia.[254][255]

On 5 August, at the request of UNPROFOR, NATO aircraft attacked a target within the Sarajevo Exclusion Zone after weapons were seized by Bosnian Serbs from a weapons collection site near Sarajevo. On 22 September 1994 NATO aircraft carried out an air strike against a Bosnian Serb tank at the request of UNPROFOR.[236] Operation Amanda was an UNPROFOR mission led by Danish peacekeeping troops, with the aim of recovering an observation post near Gradačac, Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 25 October 1994.[256]

On 19 November 1994, the North Atlantic Council approved the extension of Close Air Support to Croatia for the protection of UN forces in that country.[236] NATO aircraft attacked the Udbina airfield in Serb-held Croatia on 21 November, in response to attacks launched from that airfield against targets in the Bihac area of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 23 November, after attacks launched from a surface-to-air missile site south of Otoka (north-west Bosnia and Herzegovina) on two NATO aircraft, air strikes were conducted against air defence radars in that area.[236]

1995편집

 
Bosnia and Herzegovina before the Dayton Agreement

On 25 May 1995, NATO bombed VRS positions in Pale due to their failure to return heavy weapons. The VRS then shelled all safe areas, including Tuzla. Approximately 70 civilians were killed and 150 were injured.[257] During April and June, Croatian forces conducted two offensives known as Leap 1 and Leap 2. With these offensives, they secured the remainder of the Livno Valley and threatened the VRS-held town of Bosansko Grahovo.[258]

On 11 July 1995, Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) forces under general Ratko Mladić occupied the UN "safe area" of Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia where more than 8,000 men were killed in the Srebrenica massacre (most women were expelled to Bosniak-held territory).[259][260] The United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), represented on the ground by a 400-strong contingent of Dutch peacekeepers, Dutchbat, failed to prevent the town's capture by the VRS and the subsequent massacre.[261][262][263][264] The ICTY ruled this event as genocide in the Krstić case.

In line with the Split Agreement signed between Tuđman and Izetbegović on 22 July, a joint military offensive by the HV and the HVO codenamed Operation Summer '95 took place in western Bosnia. The HV-HVO force gained control of Glamoč and Bosansko Grahovo and isolated Knin from Republika Srpska.[265] On 4 August, the HV launched Operation Storm that effectively dissolved the Republic of Serbian Krajina.[266] With this, the Bosniak-Croat alliance gained the initiative in the war, taking much of western Bosnia from the VRS in several operations in September and October. The first one, Operation Una, began on 18 September 1995, when HV crossed the Una river and entered Bosnia. In 2006, Croatian authorities began investigating allegations of war crimes committed during this operation, specifically the killing of 40 civilians in the Bosanska Dubica area by troops of the 1st Battalion of the 2nd Guards Brigade.[267]

 
Seated from left to right: Slobodan Milošević, Alija Izetbegović and Franjo Tuđman signing the final peace agreement in Paris on 14 December 1995.

The HV-HVO secured over 2,500 제곱킬로미터 (970 제곱마일) of territory during Operation Mistral 2, including the towns of Jajce, Šipovo and Drvar. At the same time, the ARBiH engaged the VRS further to the north in Operation Sana and captured several towns, including Bosanska Krupa, Bosanski Petrovac, Ključ and Sanski Most.[268] A VRS counteroffensive against the ARBiH in western Bosnia was launched on 23/24 September. Within two weeks the VRS was in the vicinity of the town of Ključ. The ARBiH requested Croatian assistance and on 8 October the HV-HVO launched Operation Southern Move under the overall command of HV Major General Ante Gotovina. The VRS lost the town of Mrkonjić Grad, while HVO units came within 25 킬로미터 (16 마일) south of Banja Luka.[269]

On 28 August, a VRS mortar attack on the Sarajevo Markale marketplace killed 43 people.[270] In response to the second Markale massacre, on 30 August, the Secretary General of NATO announced the start of Operation Deliberate Force, widespread airstrikes against Bosnian Serb positions supported by UNPROFOR rapid reaction force artillery attacks.[271] On 14 September 1995, the NATO air strikes were suspended to allow the implementation of an agreement with Bosnian Serbs for the withdrawal of heavy weapons from around Sarajevo.[출처 필요] Twelve days later, on 26 September, an agreement of further basic principles for a peace accord was reached in New York City between the foreign ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and the FRY.[272] A 60-day ceasefire came into effect on 12 October, and on 1 November peace talks began in Dayton, Ohio.[272] The war ended with the Dayton Peace Agreement signed on 21 November 1995; the final version of the peace agreement was signed 14 December 1995 in Paris.[출처 필요]

Following the Dayton Agreement, a NATO led Implementation Force (IFOR) was deployed to Bosnia-Herzegovina. This 80,000 strong unit, heavily armed and mandated to fire at will when necessary for the successful implementation of the operation, was deployed in order to enforce the peace, as well as other tasks such as providing support for humanitarian and political aid, reconstruction, providing support for displaced civilians to return to their homes, collection of arms, and mine and unexploded ordnance (uxo) clearing of the affected areas.[출처 필요]

Casualties편집

 
A grave digger at a cemetery in Sarajevo, 1992
 
Bosnia and Herzegovina: Percent Change of Ethnic Bosniaks from 1991 to 2013

Calculating the number of deaths resulting from the conflict has been subject to considerable, highly politicised debate, sometimes "fused with narratives about victimhood", from the political elites of various groups.[273] Estimates of the total number of casualties have ranged from 25,000 to 329,000. The variations are partly the result of the use of inconsistent definitions of who can be considered victims of the war, as some research calculated only direct casualties of military activity while other research included those who died from hunger, cold, disease or other war conditions. Early overcounts were also the result of many victims being entered in both civilian and military lists because little systematic coordination of those lists took place in wartime conditions. The death toll was originally estimated in 1994 at around 200,000 by Cherif Bassiouni, head of the UN expert commission investigating war crimes.[274]

Prof. Steven L. Burg and Prof. Paul S. Shoup, writing in 1999, observed about early high figures:

The figure of 200,000 (or more) dead, injured, and missing was frequently cited in media reports on the war in Bosnia as late as 1994. The October 1995 bulletin of the Bosnian Institute for Public Health of the Republic Committee for Health and Social Welfare gave the numbers as 146,340 killed, and 174,914 wounded on the territory under the control of the Bosnian army. Mustafa Imamovic gave a figure of 144,248 perished (including those who died from hunger or exposure), mainly Muslims. The Red Cross and the UNHCR have not, to the best of our knowledge, produced data on the number of persons killed and injured in the course of the war. A November 1995 unclassified CIA memorandum estimated 156,500 civilian deaths in the country (all but 10,000 of them in Muslim- or Croat-held territories), not including the 8,000 to 10,000 then still missing from Srebrenica and Zepa enclaves. This figure for civilian deaths far exceeded the estimate in the same report of 81,500 troops killed (45,000 Bosnian government; 6,500 Bosnian Croat; and 30,000 Bosnian Serb). [275]

RDC figures편집

Dead or disappeared figures according to RDC
(as reported in June 2012)[7]
Total dead or disappeared
101,040
(total includes unknown status below, percentages ignore 'unknowns')
Bosniaks 62,013 61.4%
Serbs 24,953 24.7%
Croats 8,403 8.3%
Other ethnicities 571 0.6%
Civilians
38,239
(percentages are of civilian dead)
Bosniaks 31,107 81.3%
Serbs 4,178 10.9%
Croats 2,484 6.5%
Other ethnicities 470 1.2%
Soldiers
57,701
(percentages are of military dead)
Bosniaks 30,906 53.6%
Serbs 20,775 36%
Croats 5,919 10.3%
Other ethnicities 101 0.2%
Unknown status
(percentage is of all dead or disappeared)
Ethnicity unstated 5,100 5%

In June 2007, the Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Center published extensive research on the Bosnian war deaths, also called The Bosnian Book of the Dead, a database that initially revealed a minimum of 97,207 names of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens confirmed as killed or missing during the 1992–1995 war.[276][277] The head of the UN war crimes tribunal's Demographic Unit, Ewa Tabeau, has called it "the largest existing database on Bosnian war victims",[278] and it is considered the most authoritative account of human losses in the Bosnian war.[279] More than 240,000 pieces of data were collected, checked, compared and evaluated by an international team of experts in order to produce the 2007 list of 97,207 victims' names.[277]

The RDC 2007 figures stated that these were confirmed figures and that several thousand cases were still being examined. All of the RDC figures are believed to be a slight undercount as their methodology is dependent on a family member having survived to report the missing relative, though the undercount is not thought to be statistically significant.[7] At least 30 percent of the 2007 confirmed Bosniak civilian victims were women and children.[276]

The RDC published periodic updates of its figures until June 2012, when it published its final report.[280] The 2012 figures recorded a total of 101,040 dead or disappeared, of whom 61.4 percent were Bosniaks, 24.7 percent were Serbs, 8.3 percent were Croats and less than 1 percent were of other ethnicities, with a further 5 percent whose ethnicity was unstated.[7]

Civilian deaths were established as 38,239, which represented 37.9 percent of total deaths. Bosniaks accounted for 81.3 percent of those civilian deaths, compared to Serbs 10.9 percent and Croats 6.5 percent.[7] The proportion of civilian victims is, moreover, an absolute minimum because the status of 5,100 victims was unestablished[7] and because relatives had registered their dead loved ones as military victims in order to obtain veteran's financial benefits or for 'honour' reasons.[281][282]

Both the RDC and the ICTY's demographic unit applied statistical techniques to identify possible duplication caused by a given victim being recorded in multiple primary lists, the original documents being then hand-checked to assess duplication.[282][283]

Some 30 categories of information existed within the database for each individual record, including basic personal information, place and date of death, and, in the case of soldiers, the military unit to which the individual belonged.[282] This has allowed the database to present deaths by gender, military unit, year and region of death,[8] in addition to ethnicity and 'status in war' (civilian or soldier). The category intended to describe which military formation caused the death of each victim was the most incomplete and was deemed unusable.[282]

ICTY figures편집

ICTY death figures[284](issued by the Demographic Unit in 2010)
Total killed
104,732
Bosniaks c. 68,101
Serbs c. 22,779
Croats c. 8,858
Others c. 4,995
Civilians killed
36,700
Bosniaks 25,609
Serbs 7,480
Croats 1,675
Others 1,935
Soldiers killed
68,031
(includes Police)
Bosniaks 42,492
Serbs 15,298
Croats 7,182
Others 3,058

Research conducted in 2010 for the Office of the Prosecutors at the Hague Tribunal, headed by Ewa Tabeau, pointed to errors in earlier figures and calculated the minimum number of victims as 89,186, with a probable figure of around 104,732.[284][285] Tabeau noted the numbers should not be confused with "who killed who", because, for example, many Serbs were killed by the Serb army during the shelling of Sarajevo, Tuzla and other multi-ethnic cities.[286] The authors of this report said that the actual death toll may be slightly higher.[284][287]

These figures were not based solely on 'battle deaths', but included accidental deaths taking place in battle conditions and acts of mass violence. Specifically excluded were "non-violent mortality increases" and "criminal and unorganised violence increases". Similarly 'military deaths' included both combat and non-combat deaths.[284]

Other statistics편집

There are no statistics dealing specifically with the casualties of the Croat-Bosniak conflict along ethnic lines. However, according to The RDC's data on human losses in the regions, in Central Bosnia 62 percent of the 10,448 documented deaths were Bosniaks, while Croats constituted 24 percent and Serbs 13 percent. The municipalities of Gornji Vakuf and Bugojno are geographically located in Central Bosnia (known as Gornje Povrbasje region), but the 1,337 region's documented deaths are included in Vrbas regional statistics. Approximately 70–80 percent of the casualties from Gornje Povrbasje were Bosniaks. In the region of Neretva river, of 6,717 casualties, 54 percent were Bosniaks, 24 percent Serbs and 21 percent Croats. The casualties in those regions were mainly, but not exclusively, the consequence of Croat-Bosniak conflict.[출처 필요]

According to the UN, there were 167 fatalities amongst UNPROFOR personnel during the course of the force's mandate, from February 1992 to March 1995. Of those who died, three were military observers, 159 were other military personnel, one was a member of the civilian police, two were international civilian staff and two were local staff.[288]

In a statement in September 2008 to the United Nations General Assembly, Haris Silajdžić said that "According to the ICRC data, 200,000 people were killed, 12,000 of them children, up to 50,000 women were raped, and 2.2 million were forced to flee their homes. This was a veritable genocide and sociocide".[289] However, Silajdžić and others have been criticised for inflating the number of fatalities to attract international support.[290] An ICRC book published in 2010 cites the total number killed in all of the Balkan Wars in the 1990s as "about 140,000 people".[291]

Many of the 34,700 people who were reported missing during the Bosnian war remain unaccounted for. In 2012 Amnesty reported that the fate of an estimated 10,500 people, most of whom were Bosnian Muslims, remained unknown.[292][293] Bodies of victims are still being unearthed two decades later. In July 2014 the remains of 284 victims, unearthed from the Tomasica mass grave near the town of Prijedor, were laid to rest in a mass ceremony in the northwestern town of Kozarac, attended by relatives.[294]

The UNCHR stated that the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina forced more than 2.2 million people to flee their homes, making it the largest displacement of people in Europe since the end of World War II.[24]

War crimes편집

According to a report compiled by the UN, and chaired by M. Cherif Bassiouni, while all sides committed war crimes during the conflict, Serbian forces were responsible for ninety percent of them, whereas Croatian forces were responsible for six percent, and Bosniak forces four percent.[295] The report echoed conclusions published by a Central Intelligence Agency estimate in 1995.[296][297] In October 2019, a third of the war crime charges filed by the Bosnian state prosecution during the year were transferred to lower-level courts, which sparked criticism of prosecutors.[298]

Ethnic cleansing편집

 
Ethnic distribution at the municipal level in Bosnia and Herzegovina before (1991) and after the war (1998)

Ethnic cleansing was a common phenomenon in the war. This entailed intimidation, forced expulsion, or killing of the unwanted ethnic group as well as the destruction of the places of worship, cemeteries and cultural and historical buildings of that ethnic group. Academics Matjaž Klemenčič and Mitja Žagar argue that: "Ideas of nationalistic ethnic politicians that Bosnia and Herzegovina be reorganised into homogenous national territories inevitably required the division of ethnically mixed territories into their Serb, Croat, and Muslim parts".[39] According to numerous ICTY verdicts and indictments, Serb[299][300][301] and Croat[89][302][303] forces performed ethnic cleansing of their territories planned by their political leadership to create ethnically pure states (Republika Srpska and Herzeg-Bosnia). Serb forces carried out the atrocities known as the "Srebrenica genocide" at the end of the war.[304] The Central Intelligence Agency claimed, in a 1995 report, that Bosnian Serb forces were responsible for 90 percent of the ethnic cleansing committed during the conflict.[297]

Based on the evidence of numerous HVO attacks, the ICTY Trial Chamber concluded in the Kordić and Čerkez case that by April 1993 Croat leadership had a common design or plan conceived and executed to ethnically cleanse Bosniaks from the Lašva Valley in Central Bosnia. Dario Kordić, as the local political leader, was found to be the planner and instigator of this plan.[302]

Although comparatively rare, there were also cases of pro-Bosniak forces having 'forced other ethnic groups to flee' during the war.[16]

Genocide편집

 
Exhumations in Srebrenica, 1996

A trial took place before the International Court of Justice, following a 1993 suit by Bosnia and Herzegovina against Serbia and Montenegro alleging genocide. The ICJ ruling of 26 February 2007 indirectly determined the war's nature to be international, though clearing Serbia of direct responsibility for the genocide committed by the forces of Republika Srpska. The ICJ concluded, however, that Serbia failed to prevent genocide committed by Serb forces and failed to punish those responsible, and bring them to justice.[출처 필요] A telegram sent to the White House on 8 February 1994 and penned by U.S. Ambassador to Croatia, Peter W. Galbraith, stated that genocide was occurring. The telegram cited "constant and indiscriminate shelling and gunfire" of Sarajevo by Karadzic's Yugoslav People Army; the harassment of minority groups in Northern Bosnia "in an attempt to force them to leave"; and the use of detainees "to do dangerous work on the front lines" as evidence that genocide was being committed.[305] In 2005, the United States Congress passed a resolution declaring that "the Serbian policies of aggression and ethnic cleansing meet the terms defining genocide".[306]

Despite the evidence of many kinds of war crimes conducted simultaneously by different Serb forces in different parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in Bijeljina, Sarajevo, Prijedor, Zvornik, Banja Luka, Višegrad and Foča, the judges ruled that the criteria for genocide with the specific intent (dolus specialis) to destroy Bosnian Muslims were met only in Srebrenica or Eastern Bosnia in 1995.[출처 필요]

The court concluded the crimes committed during the 1992–1995 war, may amount to crimes against humanity according to the international law, but that these acts did not, in themselves, constitute genocide per se.[307] The Court further decided that, following Montenegro's declaration of independence in May 2006, Serbia was the only respondent party in the case, but that "any responsibility for past events involved at the relevant time the composite State of Serbia and Montenegro".[308]

Rape편집

An estimated 12,000–50,000 women were raped, most of them Bosnian Muslims with the majority of cases committed by Serb forces.[27][309] This has been referred to as "Mass rape",[310][311][312] particularly with regard to the coordinated use of rape as a weapon of war by members in the VRS and Bosnian Serb police.[310][311][312][313] For the first time in judicial history, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) declared that "systematic rape", and "sexual enslavement" in time of war was a crime against humanity, second only to the war crime of genocide.[310] Rape was most systematic in Eastern Bosnia (e.g. during campaigns in Foča and Višegrad), and in Grbavica during the siege of Sarajevo. Women and girls were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions and were mistreated in many ways including being repeatedly raped. A notorious example was "Karaman's house" in Foča.[314][315] Common complications among surviving women and girls include psychological, gynaecological and other physical disorders, as well as unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases.

Prosecutions and legal proceedings편집

Radovan Karadžić (left), former president of Republika Srpska, Ratko Mladić (right), former Chief of Staff of the Army of the Republika Srpska, both sentenced by the ICTY

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 as a body of the UN to prosecute war crimes committed during the wars in the former Yugoslavia, and to try their perpetrators. The tribunal is an ad hoc court which is located in The Hague, the Netherlands.[316]

According to legal experts, as of early 2008, 45 Serbs, 12 Croats and 4 Bosniaks were convicted of war crimes by the ICTY in connection with the Balkan wars of the 1990s.[20] Both Serbs and Croats were indicted and convicted of systematic war crimes (joint criminal enterprise), while Bosniaks were indicted and convicted of individual ones. Most of the Bosnian Serb wartime leadership – Biljana Plavšić,[317] Momčilo Krajišnik,[318] Radoslav Brđanin,[300] and Duško Tadić[319] – were indicted and judged guilty for war crimes and ethnic cleansing.

The former president of Republika Srpska Radovan Karadžić was held on trial[320] and was sentenced to life in prison for crimes, including crimes against humanity and genocide.[321] Ratko Mladić was also tried by the ICTY, charged with crimes in connection with the siege of Sarajevo and the Srebrenica massacre.[322] Mladić was found guilty and also sentenced to life imprisonment by The Hague in November 2017.[323] Paramilitary leader Vojislav Šešelj has been on trial since 2007 accused of being a part of a joint criminal enterprise to ethnically cleanse large areas of Bosnia-Herzegovina of non-Serbs.[324] The Serbian president Slobodan Milošević was charged with war crimes in connection with the war in Bosnia, including grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, crimes against humanity and genocide,[325] but died in 2006 before the trial could finish.[326]

 
The skull of a victim of the July 1995 Srebrenica massacre in an exhumed mass grave outside of Potočari, 2007

After the death of Alija Izetbegović, The Hague revealed that he was under investigation for war crimes; however the prosecutor did not find sufficient evidence in Izetbegović's lifetime to issue an indictment.[327] Other Bosniaks who were convicted of or are under trial for war crimes include Rasim Delić, chief of staff of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who was sentenced to three years' imprisonment on 15 September 2008 for his failure to prevent the Bosnian mujahideen members of the Bosnian army from committing crimes against captured civilians and enemy combatants (murder, rape, torture).[328] Enver Hadžihasanović, a general of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was sentenced to 3.5 years for authority over acts of murder and wanton destruction in Central Bosnia.[329] Hazim Delić was the Bosniak Deputy Commander of the Čelebići prison camp, which detained Serb civilians. He was sentenced to 18 years by the ICTY Appeals Chamber on 8 April 2003 for murder and torture of the prisoners and for raping two Serbian women.[330][331] Bosnian commander Sefer Halilović was charged with one count of violation of the laws and customs of war on the basis of superior criminal responsibility of the incidents during Operation Neretva '93 and found not guilty.[332] Serbs have accused Sarajevo authorities of practicing selective justice by actively prosecuting Serbs while ignoring or downplaying Bosniak war crimes.[333]

Dario Kordić, political leader of Croats in Central Bosnia, was convicted of the crimes against humanity in Central Bosnia i.e. ethnic cleansing and sentenced to 25 years in prison.[302] On 29 May 2013, in a first instance verdict, the ICTY sentenced Prlić to 25 years in prison. The tribunal also convicted five other war time leaders of the joint trial: defence minister of Herzeg-Bosnia Bruno Stojić (20 years), military officers Slobodan Praljak (20 years) and Milivoj Petković (20 years), military police commander Valentin Ćorić (20 years), and head of prisoner exchanges and detention facilities Berislav Pušić (10 years). The Chamber ruled, by majority, with the presiding judge Jean-Claude Antonetti dissenting, that they took part in a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) against the non-Croat population of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that the JCE included the Croatian President Franjo Tuđman, Defence Minister Gojko Šušak, and general Janko Bobetko.[334] However, on 19 July 2016 the Appeals Chamber in the case announced that the "Trial Chamber made no explicit findings concerning [Tudjman's, Šušak's and Bobetko's] participation in the JCE and did not find [them] guilty of any crimes."[335][336]

Genocide at Srebrenica is the most serious war crime that any Serbs were convicted of. Crimes against humanity, is the most serious war crime that any Bosniaks or Croats were convicted of.[337]

Reconciliation편집

 
Mourners at the reburial ceremony for an exhumed victim of the Srebrenica massacre
 
A cemetery in Mostar flying the flag of Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (left), the flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the flag of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

On 6 December 2004, Serbian president Boris Tadić made an apology in Bosnia and Herzegovina to all those who suffered crimes committed in the name of the Serb people.[338]

Croatia's president Ivo Josipović apologised in April 2010 for his country's role in the Bosnian War. Bosnia and Herzegovina's then-president Haris Silajdžić in turn praised relations with Croatia, remarks that starkly contrasted with his harsh criticism of Serbia the day before. "I'm deeply sorry that the Republic of Croatia has contributed to the suffering of people and divisions which still burden us today", Josipović told Bosnia and Herzegovina's parliament.[339]

On 31 March 2010, the Serbian parliament adopted a declaration "condemning in strongest terms the crime committed in July 1995 against Bosniak population of Srebrenica" and apologizing to the families of the victims, the first of its kind in the region. The initiative to pass a resolution came from President Boris Tadić, who pushed for it even though the issue was politically controversial. In the past, only human rights groups and non-nationalistic parties had supported such a measure.[340]

Assessment편집

Civil war or a war of aggression편집

Due to the involvement of Croatia and Serbia, there has been a long-standing debate as to whether the conflict was a civil war or a war of aggression on Bosnia by neighbouring states. Academics Steven Burg and Paul Shoup argue that:

From the outset, the nature of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina was subject to conflicting interpretations. These were rooted not only in objective facts on the ground, but in the political interests of those articulating them.[275]

On the one hand, the war could be viewed as "a clear-cut case of civil war – that is, of internal war among groups unable to agree on arrangements for sharing power".[275]

David Campbell is critical of narratives about "civil war", which he argues often involve what he terms "moral levelling", in which all sides are "said to be equally guilty of atrocities", and "emphasise credible Serb fears as a rationale for their actions".[341]

In contrast to the civil war explanation, Bosniaks, many Croats, western politicians and human rights organizations claimed that the war was a war of Serbian and Croatian aggression based on the Karađorđevo and Graz agreements, while Serbs often considered it a civil war. [275]

Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats enjoyed substantial political and military backing from Serbia and Croatia, and the decision to grant Bosnia diplomatic recognition also had implications for the international interpretation of the conflict. As Burg and Shoup state:

From the perspective of international diplomacy and law...the international decision to recognize the independence of Bosnia-Herzegovina and grant it membership in the United Nations provided a basis for defining the war as a case of external aggression by both Serbia and Croatia. With respect to Serbia, the further case could be made that the Bosnian Serb army was under the de facto command of the Yugoslav army and was therefore an instrument of external aggression. With respect to Croatia, regular Croatian army forces violated the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina, lending further evidence in support of the view that this was a case of aggression. [275]

Sumantra Bose, meanwhile, argues that it is possible to characterise the Bosnian War as a civil war, without necessarily agreeing with the narrative of Serb and Croat nationalists. He states that while "all episodes of severe violence have been sparked by 'external' events and forces, local society too has been deeply implicated in that violence" and therefore argues that "it makes relatively more sense to regard the 1992–95 conflict in Bosnia as a 'civil war' – albeit obviously with a vital dimension that is territorially external to Bosnia".[342]

In the cases involving Duško Tadić and Zdravko Mucić, the ICTY concluded that the conflict between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was an international one:

[F]or the period material to this case (1992), the armed forces of the Republika Srpska were to be regarded as acting under the overall control of and on behalf of the FRY (the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Hence, even after 19 May 1992 the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina between the Bosnian Serbs and the central authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be classified as an international armed conflict.[343]

Similarly, in the cases involving Ivica Rajić, Tihomir Blaškić and Dario Kordić, the ICTY concluded that the conflict between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia was also an international one:

[F]or purposes of the application of the grave breaches provisions of Geneva Convention IV, the significant and continuous military action by the armed forces of Croatia in support of the Bosnian Croats against the forces of the Bosnian Government on the territory of the latter was sufficient to convert the domestic conflict between the Bosnian Croats and the Bosnian Government into an international one.[343]

In 2010, Bosnian Commander Ejup Ganić was detained in London on a Serbian extradition request for alleged war crimes. Judge Timothy Workman decided that Ganić should be released after ruling that Serbia's request was "politically motivated". In his decision, he characterised the Bosnian War to have been an international armed conflict as Bosnia had declared independence on 3 March 1992.[344]

Academic Mary Kaldor argues that the Bosnian War is an example of what she terms new wars, which are neither civil nor inter-state, but rather combine elements of both.[345]

In popular culture편집

틀:More citations needed section

Film편집

The Bosnian War has been depicted in a number of films including Hollywood films such as The Hunting Party, starring Richard Gere as journalist Simon Hunt in his bid to apprehend suspected war criminal and former Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadžić; Behind Enemy Lines, loosely based on the Mrkonjić Grad incident, tells about a downed US Navy pilot who uncovers a massacre while on the run from Serb troops who want him dead; The Peacemaker, starring George Clooney and Nicole Kidman, is a story about a US Army colonel and a White House nuclear expert investigating stolen Russian nuclear weapons obtained by a revenge-fueled Yugoslav diplomat, Dušan Gavrić.

In the Land of Blood and Honey, is a 2011 American film written, produced and directed by Angelina Jolie; the film was Jolie's directorial debut and it depicts a love story set against the mass rape of Muslim women in the Bosnian War. The Spanish/Italian 2013 film Twice Born, starring Penélope Cruz, based on a book by Margaret Mazzantini. It tells the story of a mother who brings her teenage son to Sarajevo, where his father died in the Bosnian conflict years ago.

British films include Welcome to Sarajevo, about the life of Sarajevans during the siege. The Bosnian-British film Beautiful People directed by Jasmin Dizdar portrays the encounter between English families and arriving Bosnian refugees at the height of the Bosnian War. The film was awarded the Un Certain Regard at the 1999 Cannes Festival. The Spanish film Territorio Comanche shows the story of a Spanish TV crew during the siege of Sarajevo. The Polish film Demons of War (1998), set during the Bosnian conflict, portrays a Polish group of IFOR soldiers who come to help a pair of journalists tracked by a local warlord whose crimes they had taped.[출처 필요]

Bosnian director Danis Tanović's No Man's Land won the Best Foreign Language Film awards at the 2001 Academy Awards and the 2002 Golden Globes. The Bosnian film Grbavica, about the life of a single mother in contemporary Sarajevo in the aftermath of systematic rape of Bosniak women by Serbian troops during the war, won the Golden Bear at the Berlin International Film Festival.[346][347]

The 2003 film Remake, directed by Bosnian director Dino Mustafić and written by Zlatko Topčić, follows father Ahmed and son Tarik Karaga during World War II and the Siege of Sarajevo. It premiered at the 32nd International Film Festival Rotterdam.[348][349][350] The 2010 film The Abandoned, directed by Adis Bakrač and written by Zlatko Topčić, tells the story of a boy from a home for abandoned children who tries to find the truth about his origins, it being implied that he is the child of a rape. The film premiered at the 45th Karlovy Vary International Film Festival.[351][352][353]

The 1997 film The Perfect Circle, directed by Bosnian filmmaker Ademir Kenović, tells the story of two boys during the Siege of Sarajevo and was awarded with the François Chalais Prize at the 1997 Cannes Festival.

The 1998 film Savior, starring Dennis Quaid tells the story of a hardened mercenary in the Foreign Legion who begins to find his own humanity when confronted with atrocities during the fighting in Bosnia.

The Serbian-American film Savior, directed by Predrag Antonijević, tells the story of an American mercenary fighting on the side of the Bosnian Serb Army during the war. Pretty Village, Pretty Flame directed by Serbian filmmaker Srđan Dragojević, presents a bleak yet darkly humorous account of the Bosnian War. The Serbian film Life Is a Miracle, produced by Emir Kusturica, depicts the romance of a pacific Serb station caretaker and a Muslim Bosniak young woman entrusted to him as a hostage in the context of Bosniak-Serb border clashes; it was nominated at the 2004 Cannes Festival.[출처 필요]

Short films such as In the Name of the Son, about a father who murders his son during the Bosnian War, and 10 Minutes, which contrasts 10 minutes of life of a Japanese tourist in Rome with a Bosnian family during the war, received acclaim for their depiction of the war.[출처 필요]

A number of Western films made the Bosnian conflict the background of their stories – some of those include Avenger, based on Frederick Forsyth's novel in which a mercenary tracks down a Serbian warlord responsible for war crimes, and The Peacemaker, in which a Yugoslav man emotionally devastated by the losses of war plots to take revenge on the United Nations by exploding a nuclear bomb in New York. The Whistleblower tells the true story of Kathryn Bolkovac, a UN peacekeeper that uncovered a human-trafficking scandal involving the United Nations in post-war Bosnia. Shot Through the Heart is a 1998 TV film, directed by David Attwood, shown on BBC and HBO in 1998, which covers the Siege of Sarajevo during the Bosnian War from the perspective of two Olympic-level Yugoslavian marksmen, one whom becomes a sniper.[출처 필요]

Drama series편집

The award-winning British television series, Warriors, aired on BBC One in 1999. It tells the story of a group of British peacekeepers during the Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing. Many of the war's events were depicted in the Pakistani drama series, Alpha Bravo Charlie, written and directed by Shoaib Mansoor in 1998. Produced by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the series showed several active battlefield events and the involvement of Pakistan military personnel in the UN peacekeeping missions. Alpha Bravo Charlie was presented on Pakistan Television Corporation (PTV).

Documentaries편집

A BBC documentary series, The Death of Yugoslavia, covers the collapse of Yugoslavia from the roots of the conflict in the 1980s to the subsequent wars and peace accords, and a BBC book was issued with the same title. Other documentaries include Bernard-Henri Lévy's Bosna! about Bosnian resistance against well equipped Serbian troops at the beginning of the war; the Slovenian documentary Tunel upanja (A Tunnel of Hope) about the Sarajevo Tunnel constructed by the besieged citizens of Sarajevo to link Sarajevo with Bosnian government territory; and the British documentary A Cry from the Grave about the Srebrenica massacre. Miracle in Bosnia is a 1995 documentary film shot on the occasion of the third anniversary of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; it premiered at the 1995 Cannes Film Festival and won the Special Award.[354][355][356] The Bosnian War is a central focus in The Diplomat, a documentary about the career of Richard Holbrooke.[357] Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War (1999) looks at the wider context of the ex-Yugoslavian civil wars.

Books편집

틀:More citations needed section Semezdin Mehmedinović's Sarajevo Blues and Miljenko Jergović's Sarajevo Marlboro are among the best known books written during the war in Bosnia. Zlata's Diary is a published diary kept by a young girl, Zlata Filipović, which chronicles her life in Sarajevo from 1991 to 1993. Because of the diary, she is sometimes referred to as "The Anne Frank of Sarajevo". The Bosnia List by Kenan Trebincevic and Susan Shapiro chronicles the war through the eyes of a Bosnian refugee returning home for the first time after 18 years in New York.

Other works about the war include:

  • Bosnia Warriors: Living on the Front Line, by Major Vaughan Kent-Payne is an account of UN operations in Bosnia written by A British Army infantry officer who was based in Vitez, Central Bosnia for seven months in 1993.[358]
  • Necessary Targets (by Eve Ensler)
  • Winter Warriors – Across Bosnia with the PBI by Les Howard, a factual account by a British Territorial infantryman who volunteered to serve as a UN Peacekeeper in the latter stages of the war, and during the first stages of the NATO led Dayton Peace Accord.[359]
  • Pretty Birds, by Scott Simon, depicts a teenage girl in Sarajevo, once a basketball player on her high school team, who becomes a sniper.
  • The Cellist of Sarajevo, by Steven Galloway, is a novel following the stories of four people living in Sarajevo during the war.
  • Life's Too Short to Forgive, written in 2005 by Len Biser, follows the efforts of three people who unite to assassinate Karadzic to stop Serb atrocities.
  • Fools Rush In, written by Bill Carter, tells the story of a man who helped bring U2 to a landmark Sarajevo concert.
  • Evil Doesn't Live Here, by Daoud Sarhandi and Alina Boboc, presents 180 posters created by Bosnian artist which plastered walls during the war.
  • The Avenger by Frederick Forsyth.
  • Hotel Sarajevo by Jack Kersh.
  • Top je bio vreo by Vladimir Kecmanović, a story of a Bosnian Serb boy in the part of Sarajevo held by Bosnian Muslim forces during the Siege of Sarajevo.
  • I Bog je zaplakao nad Bosnom (And God cried over Bosnia), written by Momir Krsmanović, is a depiction of war that mainly focuses on the crimes committed by Muslim people.
  • Safe Area Goražde is a graphic novel by Joe Sacco about the war in eastern Bosnia.
  • Dampyr is an Italian comic book, created by Mauro Boselli and Maurizio Colombo and published in Italy by Sergio Bonelli Editore about Harlan Draka, half human, half vampire, who wages war on the multifaceted forces of Evil. The first two episodes are located in Bosnia and Herzegovina (#1 Il figlio del Diavolo) i.e. Sarajevo (#2 La stirpe della note) during the Bosnian War.
  • Goodbye Sarajevo – A True Story of Courage, Love and Survival by Atka Reid and Hana Schofield and published in 2011, is the story of two sisters from Sarajevo and their separate experiences of the war.
  • Love Thy Neighbor: A Story of War (by Peter Maas), published in 1997 is his account as a reporter at the height of the Bosnian War.
  • My War Gone By, I Miss It So by Anthony Loyd is a memoir of Loyd's time spent covering the conflict as a photojournalist and writer.[360]

Music편집

U2's "Miss Sarajevo", about the war in Bosnia, features Bono and Luciano Pavarotti.[361] Other songs include "Bosnia" by The Cranberries, "Sarajevo" by UHF, "Pure Massacre" by Silverchair, "Sva bol svijeta" by Fazla and others. The concept album "Dead Winter Dead" by Savatage tells a story set during the Bosnian war.

See also편집

References편집

  1. Ramet 2010, 130쪽.
  2. Christia 2012, 154쪽.
  3. Ramet 2006, 450쪽.
  4. Mulaj 2008, 53쪽.
  5. Finlan 2004, p. 21
  6. Ramet 2006, 451쪽.
  7. Calic, Marie–Janine (2012). 〈Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995〉. Ingrao, Charles W.; Emmert, Thomas A. 《Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars' Initiative》. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press. 139–140쪽. ISBN 978-1-55753-617-4.  Footnotes in source identify numbers as June 2012.
  8. “Spolna i nacionalna struktura žrtava i ljudski gubitci vojnih formacija (1991–1996)”. Prometej. 
  9. After years of toil, book names Bosnian war dead
  10. “ICTY: Conflict between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”. 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  11. “ICJ: The genocide case: Bosnia v. Serbia – See Part VI – Entities involved in the events 235–241” (PDF). 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  12. “From Lisbon to Dayton: International Mediation and the Bosnia Crisis” (PDF). 2019년 11월 16일에 확인함. 
  13. Christia 2012, 172쪽.
  14. Wood 2013, 140, 343쪽.
  15. Forsythe 2009, p. 145
  16. CIA Report – "Ethnic Cleansing" and Atrocities in Bosnia
  17. Cohen, Roger (1995년 8월 31일). “Conflict in the Balkans: The overview; NATO presses Bosnia bombing, vowing to make Sarajevo safe”. 《The New York Times》. 2011년 5월 5일에 확인함. 
  18. Holbrooke, Richard (1999). 《To End a War》. New York: Modern Library. 102쪽. ISBN 978-0-375-75360-2. OCLC 40545454. 
  19. “Dayton Peace Accords on Bosnia”. US Department of State. 30 March 1996. 19 March 2006에 확인함. 
  20. "Karadzic Sent to Hague for Trial Despite Violent Protest by Loyalists", The New York Times, 30 July 2008.
  21. “Bosnia war dead figure announced”. BBC. 2007년 6월 21일. 2013년 2월 16일에 확인함. 
  22. “Bosnia's dark days – a cameraman reflects on war of 1990s”. CBC. 2012년 4월 6일. 2013년 2월 16일에 확인함. 
  23. Logos 2019, 265, 412쪽.
  24. “Jolie highlights the continuing suffering of the displaced in Bosnia”. UNHCR. 2010년 4월 6일. 2010년 10월 19일에 확인함. 
  25. Hartmann, Florence. “Bosnia”. Crimes of War. 9 May 2015에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 30 April 2015에 확인함. 
  26. Harsch, Michael F. (2015). 《The Power of Dependence: NATO-UN Cooperation in Crisis Management》. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 37쪽. ISBN 978-0-19-872231-1. 
  27. Burg & Shoup 2015, 222쪽.
  28. Crowe, David M. (2013). 《War Crimes, Genocide, and Justice: A Global History》. Palgrave Macmillan. 343쪽. ISBN 978-0-230-62224-1. 
  29. Bose 2009, 124쪽.
  30. Walsh, Martha (2001). 《Women and Civil War: Impact, Organizations, and Action》. Lynne Rienner Publishers. 57; The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was recognised by the European Union on 6 April. On the same date, Bosnian Serb nationalists began the siege of Sarajevo, and the Bosnian war began.쪽. ISBN 9781588260468. 
  31. Hammond 2007, 51쪽.
  32. Rogel, Carole (2004). 《The Breakup of Yugoslavia and Its Aftermath》. Greenwood Publishing Group. 59; Neither recognition nor UN membership, however, saved Bosnia from the JNA; the war there began on April 6.쪽. ISBN 9780313323577. 
  33. Mulaj 2008, 76쪽.
  34. Donia 2006, 291쪽.
  35. Donia 2006, 284쪽.
  36. “15 years ago, Dayton Peace Accords: a milestone for NATO and the Balkans”. NATO. 2010년 12월 14일. 2015년 7월 18일에 확인함. 
  37. Pavkovic, Aleksandar (1997). 《The fragmentation of Yugoslavia: nationalism and war in the Balkans》. MacMillan Press. 85쪽. ISBN 978-0-312-23084-5. 
  38. Crnobrnja, Mihailo (1994). 《The Yugoslav drama》. I.B. Tauris & Co. 107쪽. ISBN 978-1-86064-126-8. 
  39. Klemenčič, Matjaž; Žagar, Mitja (2004). 《The former Yugoslavia's Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook》. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. 311쪽. ISBN 978-1-57607-294-3. 
  40. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, 20쪽
  41. Campbell, David (1998). 《National deconstruction: Violence, identity, and justice in Bosnia》. U of Minnesota Press. 220쪽. ISBN 978-0-8166-2937-4. 
  42. S. Lobell; P. Mauceri (2004). 《Ethnic Conflict and International Politics: Explaining Diffusion and Escalation》. Palgrave Macmillan US. 79–쪽. ISBN 978-1-4039-8141-7. 
  43. Sadkovich 2007, 239쪽.
  44. Ramet 2006, 386쪽.
  45. Lučić 2008, 72쪽.
  46. Lučić 2008, 74–75쪽.
  47. Tanner 2001, 248쪽.
  48. CIA 2002, 58, 91쪽.
  49. Lukic & Lynch 1996, 206쪽.
  50. Ramet 2006, 426쪽.
  51. Schindler 2007, 71쪽.
  52. Caspersen 2010, 82쪽.
  53. Trbovich 2008, 228쪽.
  54. Burg & Shoup 1999, 85쪽.
  55. Shrader 2003, 59-61쪽.
  56. Ramet 2006, 416쪽.
  57. Shrader 2003, 25쪽.
  58. Tape record of the BiH Parliament, 88/3. – 89/2. AG, 89/3. – 90/4.
  59. Judah, Tim (2008). 《The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia》. Yale University Press. 273쪽. ISBN 9780300147841. 
  60. Lukic & Lynch 1996, 204쪽.
  61. Card, Claudia (2010). 《Confronting Evils: Terrorism, Torture, Genocide》. Cambridge University Press. 269쪽. ISBN 9781139491709. 
  62. Tatum, Dale C. (2010). 《Genocide at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century: Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Darfur》. Springer Science+Business Media. 76쪽. ISBN 9780230109674. 
  63. Dobbs, Michael (1997). 《Down with Big Brother: The Fall of the Soviet Empire》. A&C Black. 426–27쪽. ISBN 9780747533948. 
  64. Luki, Reneo; Lynch, Allen (1996). 《Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union》. SIPRI, Oxford University Press. 204쪽. ISBN 9780198292005. 
  65. Trbovich 2008, 221쪽.
  66. Cook, Bernard A. (2001). 《Europe Since 1945》 1. Taylor and Francis. 140쪽. ISBN 978-0-8153-4057-7. 
  67. Trbovich 2008, 220–224쪽.
  68. Burg & Shoup 1999, 103쪽.
  69. Burg & Shoup 1999, 48쪽.
  70. Tomas & Nazor 2013, 281쪽.
  71. Krišto 2011, 44쪽.
  72. Marijan 2004, 259쪽.
  73. Burg & Shoup 1999, 101쪽.
  74. Roland Rich (1993). “Recognition of States: The Collapse of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union” (PDF). 《European Journal of International Law》 4 (1): 48–51. 21 April 2012에 원본 문서 (PDF)에서 보존된 문서. 12 April 2012에 확인함. 
  75. Burg & Shoup 1999, 105쪽.
  76. Burg & Shoup 1999, 108쪽.
  77. “Archived copy”. 2011년 5월 26일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2009년 3월 12일에 확인함. 
  78. “The Referendum on Independence in Bosnia-Herzegovina: 29 February–1 March 1992”. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. 1992. 19쪽. 22 May 2011에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 28 December 2009에 확인함. 
  79. Judah, Tim (2008). 《The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia》. Yale University Press. 320쪽. ISBN 9780300147841. 
  80. Kumar, Radha (1999). 《Divide and Fall? Bosnia in the Annals of Partition》. Verso. 38쪽. ISBN 978-1-85984-183-9. 
  81. Donia, Robert J. (2014). 《Radovan Karadzic: Architect of the Bosnian Genocide》. Cambridge University Press. 162쪽. ISBN 9781107073357. 
  82. “Godišnjica ubistva srpskog svata na Baščaršiji”. Glas Srpske. 2009년 3월 1일. 2009년 5월 3일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2016년 8월 20일에 확인함. 
  83. Morrison, Kenneth (2016). 《Sarajevo's Holiday Inn on the Frontline of Politics and War》. Springer. 88쪽. ISBN 9781137577184. 
  84. Cannon, P., The Third Balkan War and Political Disunity: Creating A Cantonal Constitutional System for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Jrnl. Trans. L. & Pol., Vol. 5-2
  85. de Krnjevic-Miskovic, Damjan. “Alija Izetbegović, 1925–2003”. In the National Interest. 27 June 2004에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 28 August 2008에 확인함. 
  86. Sudetic, Chuck (1992년 3월 28일). “Bosnia asking for U.N. peace forces”. 《The New York Times》. 2015년 7월 18일에 확인함. 
  87. Knezevic, Irena (2010년 5월 30일). “Croatian president honors Serb victims in Bosnia”. Associated Press. 2015년 7월 18일에 확인함. 
  88. “Prosecutor v. Momčilo Krajišnik: Judgement” (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2006년 9월 27일. 113–118쪽. 2015년 7월 18일에 확인함. 
  89. “ICTY: Naletilić and Matinović verdict” (PDF). 
  90. Kozar, Duro (1996년 8월 2일). “Croats and Serbs are (un)suitable”. 《Oslobodenje-Svijet》. 2010년 8월 28일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2010년 11월 21일에 확인함. 
  91. Pejanović, Mirko (2004). 《Through Bosnian Eyes: The Political Memoir of a Bosnian Serb》. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press. 86쪽. ISBN 978-1-55753-359-3. 
  92. Vjesnik: Je li Tuta platio atentatorima po pet tisuća maraka틀:Better source
  93. Nettelfield, Lara J. (2010). 《Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Hague Tribunal's Impact in a Postwar State》. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 73쪽. ISBN 978-0-521-76380-6. 
  94. UK Guardian: America used Islamists to arm the Bosnian Muslims
  95. Los Angeles Times: U.S. OKd Iranian Arms for Bosnia, Officials Say
  96. House Report 105-804: INVESTIGATION INTO IRANIAN ARMS SHIPMENTS TO BOSNIA
  97. BBC Correspondent: Allies and Lies transcript
  98. Wiebes, Cees (2003). 《Intelligence and the War in Bosnia, 1992–1995: Volume 1 of Studies in intelligence history》. LIT Verlag. 195쪽. ISBN 9783825863470. Pakistan definitely defied the United Nations ban on supply of arms to the Bosnian Muslims and sophisticated anti-tank guided missiles were airlifted by the Pakistani intelligence agency, ISI, to help Bosnians fight the Serbs. 
  99. Abbas, Hassan (2015). 《Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror》. Routledge. 148쪽. ISBN 9781317463283. Javed Nasir confesses that despite the U.N. ban on supplying arms to the besieged Bosnians, he successfully airlifted sophisticated antitank guided missiles which turned the tide in favour of Bosnian Muslims and forced the Serbs to lift the siege. 
  100. Schindler, John R. 《Unholy Terror》. Zenith Imprint. 154쪽. ISBN 9781616739645. Pakistan's notorious Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate [...] violated the UN embargo and provided Bosnian Muslims with sophisticated antitank guided missiles. 
  101. “Presidential Confidential: Bill Clinton After Hours”. 《The New York Times. 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  102. 'The Clinton Tapes,' a New Book”. 《The New York Times》. 2009년 9월 21일. 
  103. Taylor Branch (2009). 《The Clinton Tapes: Wrestling History with the President》. Simon and Schuster. 31쪽. ISBN 9781416594345. 
  104. Marijan 2004, 262쪽.
  105. Shrader 2003, 27쪽.
  106. Shrader 2003, 22쪽.
  107. Shrader 2003, 62–63쪽.
  108. Marijan 2004, 266쪽.
  109. Marijan 2004, 267쪽.
  110. Blic, N1, Srna: Hrvatski pukovnik Vinko Štefanek: “Ja sam komandovao HVO na području Orašja”, 5. studenoga 2016. (pristupljeno 26. studenoga 2016.)
  111. Marijan 2004, 280–281쪽.
  112. Shrader 2003, 46–48쪽.
  113. Burg & Shoup 1999, 102쪽.
  114. Thomas, Nigel; Mikulan, Krunoslav; Pavlović, Darko (2006). 《The Yugoslav Wars: Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia 1992–2001》. Osprey Publishing. 13쪽. ISBN 978-0-19-517429-8. 
  115. “Srebrenica – a 'safe' area”. Dutch Institute for War Documentation. 2002년 4월 10일. 2010년 2월 17일에 확인함. [깨진 링크]
  116. Lukic & Lynch 1996, 333쪽.
  117. Koknar 2003.
  118. “Uloga pravoslavnih dobrovoljaca u ratu u BiH”. 
  119. Helena Smith, "Greece faces shame of role in Serb massacre", The Observer, 5 January 2003; retrieved 25 November 2006.
  120. Karli, Sina (11 November 2006). “Šveđanin priznao krivnju za ratne zločine u BiH” [Swede confesses to war crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina]. 《Nacional (weekly)》 (Croatian). 18 April 2012에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 17 February 2010에 확인함. 
  121. “Pakistan sends more troops to Bosnia”. 《UPI》 (영어). 2017년 5월 6일에 확인함. 
  122. “Pakistan says it will stay in Bosnia”. 《UPI》 (영어). 2017년 5월 6일에 확인함. 
  123. Curtis, Mark (2010). 《Secret Affairs Britain's Collusion with Radical Islam》 New updat판. London: Profile. 212쪽. ISBN 978-1847653017. 
  124. Molotsky, Irvin. U.S. Linked To Saudi Aid For Bosnians . The New York Times, February 2, 1996
  125. Fisk, Robert (2014년 9월 7일). “After the atrocities committed against Muslims in Bosnia, it is no wonder today's jihadis have set out on the path to war in Syria”. 《The Independent》. 2016년 3월 25일에 확인함. 
  126. Atwan, Abdel Bari (2012). 《The Secret History of al Qaeda》. Saqi. 155쪽. ISBN 9780863568435. 
  127. Clements, Frank (2003). 《Conflict in Afghanistan: A Historical Encyclopedia》. ABC-CLIO. 153쪽. ISBN 9781851094028. 
  128. Woehrel, Steven (2007). 〈Islamic Terrorism and the Balkans〉. Malbouisson, Cofie D. 《Focus on Islamic Issues》. Nova Publishers. 75쪽. ISBN 9781600212048. 
  129. Freeman, Michael (2016). 《Financing Terrorism: Case Studies》. Routledge. 186쪽. ISBN 9781317135074. 
  130. Burg & Shoup 1999, 74쪽.
  131. Burg & Shoup 1999, 75쪽.
  132. Burg & Shoup 1999, 129쪽.
  133. Mulaj 2008, 53쪽, Hammond 2007, 51쪽
  134. Karadžić Trial Chamber Judgement 2016, 1023쪽
  135. CIA 2002, 136쪽.
  136. CIA 2002b, 355–356쪽.
  137. Niške Vesti "Izvedena za samo 75 minuta", 24-Apr-15, accessed on 13-Nov-17 http://niskevesti.info/izvedena-za-samo-75-minuta-godisnjica-operacije-spasavanja-vojnika-iz-opkoljene-kasarne-u-capljini/
  138. CIA 2002b, 262쪽.
  139. Burg & Shoup 1999, 129–131쪽.
  140. Burg & Shoup 1999, 131쪽.
  141. Burg & Shoup 1999, 132쪽.
  142. Burg & Shoup 1999, 133쪽.
  143. Portal Novosti: "Kako su "harali" nasi dečki", accessed on 21-Nov017 (in Croatian) https://www.portalnovosti.com/kako-su-harali-nasi-decki
  144. Večernji.hr: "Potvrđena optužnica protiv deset pripadnika HVO s područja Orašja", accessed on 21=Nov-17 (in Croatian) https://www.vecernji.hr/vijesti/potvrdena-optuznica-protiv-deset-pripadnika-hvo-s-podrucja-orasja-1146287
  145. Nezavisne novine "Tuzlanska kolona teška mrlja na obrazu Tuzle" retrieved on 21 August 2016 http://www.nezavisne.com/novosti/bih/Tuzlanska-kolona-teska-mrlja-na-obrazu-Tuzle/192218
  146. RTS "Dve decenije od napada na Tuzlansku kolonu", retrieved on 21 August 2016 http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/sr/story/11/region/1102510/dve-decenije-od-napada-na-tuzlansku-kolonu.html
  147. D. Grant, Thomas (2009). 《Admission to the United Nations: Charter Article 4 and the Rise of Universal Organization》. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. 226쪽. ISBN 978-9004173637. 
  148. Nettelfield (2010), p. 174
  149. “Delalic et al. - Judgement”. 16 October 2008에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2013년 1월 13일에 확인함. 
  150. “Appeals Chamber to render its Judgement in the Celebici Case on 20 February 2001”. 24 March 2009에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2013년 1월 7일에 확인함. 
  151. Krišto 2011, 49–50쪽.
  152. CIA 2002, 156쪽.
  153. Young, Kirsten (September 2001). “UNHCR and ICRC in the former Yugoslavia: Bosnia-Herzegovina” (PDF). 《International Review of the Red Cross83 (843): 782. 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  154. Meznaric & Zlatkovic Winter 1993, 3–4쪽.
  155. Yigan Chazan (1992년 6월 9일). “Croatian coast straining under 200,000 refugees: Yigan Chazan in Split finds room running out for the many escaping from war in Bosnia”. 《The Guardian. 2014년 12월 31일에 확인함. 
  156. Blaskovich, Jerry (1997). 《Anatomy of Deceit: An American Physician's First-Hand Encounter with the Realities of the War in Croatia》. New York City: Dunhill Publishing. 103쪽. ISBN 978-0-935016-24-6. 
  157. Tanner 2001, 287쪽.
  158. Večernje novosti 16 June 2011.
  159. Vreme 23 January 1999.
  160. CIA 2002b, 315–318쪽.
  161. Nezavisne novine: "Sluzen parastos za 24 ubijenih Srba iz Ratkovića", accessed on 06-Apr-17 http://www.nezavisne.com/novosti/drustvo/Sluzen-parastos-za-24-ubijenih-Srba-iz-Ratkovica/311230
  162. Veteran.ba: "Obiljezena 22. godisnjica bitke za FAMOS", accessed on 06-Apr-17, http://www.veteran.ba/clanak/614/obiljezena_22_godisnjica_bitke_za_famos.html Archived 19 October 2017 - 웨이백 머신.
  163. McDonald, Gabrielle Kirk (June 1999). 《Documents and cases》. ISBN 978-90-411-1134-0. 
  164. Marijan 2004, 272쪽.
  165. Shrader 2003, 66쪽.
  166. Krišto 2011, 50쪽.
  167. Marijan 2004, 270쪽.
  168. Marijan 2004, 276–277쪽.
  169. Prlic et al. 2013, 150쪽.
  170. Shrader 2003, 68쪽.
  171. Shrader 2003, 69쪽.
  172. Marijan 2004, 277쪽.
  173. CIA 2002, 148쪽.
  174. Shrader 2003, 3쪽.
  175. Malcolm 1995, 327쪽.
  176. Marijan 2004, 271쪽.
  177. “Bratunac: Parastos ubijenim Srbima”. B92. 2013년 1월 6일. 2013년 3월 23일에 확인함. 
  178. Ivanisevic, Bogdan. "Orić's Two Years" Archived 11 November 2008 - 웨이백 머신., Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 31 July 2008.
  179. “The Myth of Bratunac: A Blatant Numbers Game”. Research and Documentation Center. 2009년 5월 8일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2010년 12월 22일에 확인함. 
  180. “Former commander of Bosnian Muslim forces acquitted by UN tribunal”. UN News Centre. 2008년 7월 3일. 2017년 8월 25일에 확인함. 
  181. http://www.novosti.rs: Skelani Zlocin jos bez kazne
  182. http://www.srebrenica-project.com Archived 27 May 2011 - 웨이백 머신.: Историјски пројекат Сребреница
  183. “Ni da prebolimo ni da oprostimo”. 
  184. LeBor, Adam (2006). 《Complicity With Evil》. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-11171-2. 
  185. Shrader 2003, 13쪽.
  186. Tanner 2001, 288쪽.
  187. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, 42쪽.
  188. Burg & Shoup 2015, 249쪽.
  189. Shrader 2003, 4쪽.
  190. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, 33쪽.
  191. CIA 2002b, 402쪽.
  192. Shrader 2003, 74–75쪽.
  193. Marijan 2004, 279쪽.
  194. Shrader 2003, 75–77쪽.
  195. Hadžihasanović & Kubura Trial Chamber Judgement 2006, 5쪽.
  196. Kordić & Čerkez Appeals Chamber Judgement 2004, 7쪽.
  197. Shrader 2003, 78쪽.
  198. Shrader 2003, 80쪽.
  199. Shrader 2003, 82쪽.
  200. Shrader 2003, 86쪽.
  201. Shrader 2003, 87–89쪽.
  202. Shrader 2003, 115–117쪽.
  203. Shrader 2003, 110쪽.
  204. Shrader 2003, 115쪽.
  205. CIA 2002, 193쪽.
  206. Shrader 2003, 91–92쪽.
  207. Shrader 2003, 93–94쪽.
  208. Blaškić Appeals Chamber Judgement 2004, 8–9쪽.
  209. Shrader 2003, 100쪽.
  210. Shrader 2003, 119–120쪽.
  211. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, 618쪽.
  212. Shrader 2003, 125쪽.
  213. CIA 2002b, 433–434쪽.
  214. Memić Mensur et al. Judgement 2016.
  215. Christia 2012, 157–158쪽.
  216. CIA 2002, 194쪽.
  217. Tanner 2001, 290쪽.
  218. Ćurić Enes et al. 2015.
  219. CIA 2002, 200쪽.
  220. CIA 2002, 195–196쪽.
  221. Shrader 2003, 131–132쪽.
  222. Delić Trial Chamber Judgement 2008, 3쪽.
  223. Hećimović 2006, 17쪽.
  224. Shrader 2003, 133쪽.
  225. Shrader 2003, 134쪽.
  226. Shrader 2003, 137쪽.
  227. CIA 2002b, 425쪽.
  228. CIA 2002, 196–197쪽.
  229. Schindler 2007, 100쪽.
  230. CIA 2002, 202–204쪽.
  231. Halilović Trial Chamber Judgement 2005, 3–4쪽.
  232. CIA 2002, 203쪽.
  233. Rajić Judgement Summary 2006, 2쪽.
  234. Shrader 2003, 157쪽.
  235. UN Security Council Resolution 824 (adopted 6 May 1993).
  236. “NATO Handbook: Evolution of the Conflict”. NATO. 2010년 2월 6일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 
  237. Christia 2012, 161-162쪽.
  238. CIA 2002, 201-202쪽.
  239. Christia 2012, 160쪽.
  240. Power, Samantha (1994년 6월 21일). “Croatia slams the door on brutalized refugees”. 《Baltimore Sun. 2014년 12월 31일에 확인함. 
  241. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, liii쪽.
  242. Carnes, Mark Christopher (2005). 《American national biography》 29. Oxford University Press. 29쪽. ISBN 978-0-19-522202-9. 
  243. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, 680쪽.
  244. Shrader 2003, 159쪽.
  245. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, liv쪽.
  246. Krišto 2011, 57쪽.
  247. CIA 2002, 242–243쪽.
  248. CIA 2002, 250–251쪽.
  249. Economides, Spyros & Taylor, Paul (2007). "Former Yugoslavia" Mats Berdal & Spyro Economides (eds), United Nations Interventionism, 1991–2004, p. 89. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  250. UN Document A/54/549, Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/35: The fall of Srebrenica, un.org, Archived 12 September 2009 - 웨이백 머신., accessed 25 April 2015.
  251. Hansen, Ole Kjeld (1997). “Operation "Hooligan-bashing" – Danish Tanks at War”. 2014년 2월 21일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 1월 29일에 확인함. 
  252. Bethlehem & Weller 1997, lvi쪽.
  253. Simone, Ernest (2000). 《Foreign Policy of the United States》 1. 186쪽. ISBN 978-1-56072-850-4. 
  254. Simone 2000, 187쪽
  255. “U.S. Will Honor Bosnia Arms Embargo”. 《Los Angeles Times》 (Reuters). 1994년 11월 13일. President Clinton ordered U.S. warships in the Adriatic to stop intercepting vessels suspected of smuggling arms for the Muslims beginning midnight Saturday. 
  256. "Danish Tanks at War" Archived 23 May 2013 - 웨이백 머신., milhist.dk; accessed 25 April 2015.
  257. Karadžić Trial Chamber Judgement 2016, 2454-2455쪽.
  258. CIA 2002, 299-300쪽.
  259. Krstić Appeals Chamber Judgement 2004, 1–2쪽.
  260. CIA 2002, 347–348쪽.
  261. ICTY, Prosecutor vs Krstic, Judgement Archived 17 May 2008 - 웨이백 머신., Case No. IT-98-33, United Nations, 2 August 2001“Archived copy” (PDF). 2006년 6월 8일에 원본 문서 (PDF)에서 보존된 문서. 2006년 6월 8일에 확인함.  (685 KB), "Findings of Fact", paragraphs 18 and 26 “Archived copy” (PDF). 2006년 8월 24일에 원본 문서 (PDF)에서 보존된 문서. 2006년 8월 24일에 확인함. 
  262. “UN Srebrenica immunity questioned”. BBC. 2008년 6월 18일. 2008년 11월 1일에 확인함. 
  263. Comprehensive report of the proceedings, www.vandiepen.com Archived 3 December 2008 - 웨이백 머신.
  264. "Under The UN Flag; The International Community and the Srebrenica Genocide" by Hasan Nuhanović, pub. DES Sarajevo, 2007; ISBN 978-9958-728-87-7 [1] [2]
  265. Tanner 2001, 295–296쪽.
  266. Tanner 2001, 297–298쪽.
  267. Šoštarić, Eduard (14 August 2006). "Otvorena istraga zbog akcije "Una"" [Investigation of Operation Una Opens]. Nacional (in Croatian)
  268. CIA 2002, 380–381쪽.
  269. CIA 2002, 390-391쪽.
  270. Mladić Trial Chamber Judgement 2017, 2315쪽.
  271. Gazzini, Tarcisio (2005). 《The changing rules on the use of force in international law》. Manchester University Press. 69쪽. ISBN 978-0-7190-7325-0. 
  272. Group, Taylor Francis (2003). 《The Europa World Year Book 2003》. 803쪽. ISBN 978-1-85743-227-5. 
  273. Nettelfield, Lara J. (2010). 〈Research and repercussions of death tolls: The case of the Bosnian Book of the Dead〉. Andreas, Peter; Greenhill, Kelly M. 《Sex, Drugs, and Body Counts: The Politics of Numbers in Global Crime and Conflict》. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 159–187쪽. ISBN 978-0-8014-7618-1. 
  274. "102.000 drept i Bosnia", NRK News, 14 November 2004. (노르웨이어) Archived 18 February 2009 - 웨이백 머신.
  275. Burg & Shoup 2000, 169–191쪽.
  276. RDC – Casualties Research Results – June 2007
  277. Bosnia's "Book of the Dead", Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 26 June 2007
  278. “Bosnia war dead figure announced”. 《BBC News》. 2007년 6월 21일. 
  279. Roger D. Petersen (2011). 《Western Intervention in the Balkans: The Strategic Use of Emotion in Conflict》. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139503303. 2013년 7월 22일에 확인함. , p. 121
  280. Sito-Sucic, Daria; Robinson, Matt (2013년 2월 15일). “After years of toil, book names Bosnian war dead”. 《Reuters》. 2015년 5월 19일에 확인함. 
  281. Jay D. Aronson (2013). 《Counting Civilian Casualties: An Introduction to Recording and Estimating Nonmilitary Deaths in Conflict》. Oxford University Press. 121쪽. ISBN 9780199977314. 2013년 7월 22일에 확인함. 
  282. Patrick Ball; Ewa Tabeau & Philip Verwimp (2007년 6월 17일). “The Bosnian Book of Dead: Assessment of the Database” (PDF). Households in Conflict Network. 5쪽. 2015년 5월 16일에 확인함. 
  283. Tabeau, Ewa; Bijak, Jakub (2005). “War-related Deaths in the 1992–1995 Armed Conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Critique of Previous Estimates and Recent Results”. 《European Journal of Population》 21 (2–3): 187–215. doi:10.1007/s10680-005-6852-5. ISSN 1572-9885. 
  284. Zwierzchowski, Jan & Tabeau, Ewa (2010년 2월 1일). “The 1992–95 War in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Census-based multiple system estimation of casualties undercount” (PDF). Households in Conflict Network and the German Institute for Economic Research. 2015년 5월 17일에 확인함. 
  285. New War Demographics Feature, ICTY.org; accessed 25 May 2015.
  286. OTP – Casualties of Bosnian War, icty.org; accessed 25 May 2015.
  287. Hague Tribunal Archived 18 November 2011 - 웨이백 머신., icty.org; accessed 3 August 2015.
  288. “Former Yugoslavia – UNPROFOR: Profile”. Department of Public Information, United Nations. 1996년 8월 31일. 2015년 5월 1일에 확인함. 
  289. “Statement by Dr. Haris Silajdžić Chairman of the Presidency Bosnia and Herzegovina” (PDF). United Nations. 2008년 9월 23일. 2015년 5월 17일에 확인함. 
  290. George Kenney (1995년 4월 23일). “The Bosnian calculation”. 《The New York Times》. 2012년 10월 7일에 확인함. 
  291. Missing Lives – Book and Photo Exhibition Archived 15 May 2012 - 웨이백 머신., 7 June 2010
  292. “Balkans: Thousands still missing two decades after conflicts”. Amnesty International. 2012년 8월 30일. 2014년 8월 2일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 5월 17일에 확인함. 
  293. ICRC Annual Report 2010 Archived 15 May 2012 - 웨이백 머신., icrc.org; accessed 25 May 2015, p. 345
  294. “Bosnia Buries 284 Bodies from Wartime Mass Grave”. Balkan Insight. 2014년 7월 21일. 2015년 5월 17일에 확인함. 
  295. Waller, James E. (2002). 《Becoming Evil: How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing》. Oxford University Press. 276–277쪽. ISBN 978-0-19-514868-8. 
  296. Kennedy, Michael D. (2002). 《Cultural Formations of Postcommunism: Emancipation, Transition, Nation and War》. University of Minnesota Press. 252쪽. ISBN 978-0-8166-3857-4. 
  297. "C.I.A. Report on Bosnia Blames Serbs for 90% of the War Crimes" by Roger Cohen, The New York Times, 9 March 1995.
  298. “Bosnian Prosecution Criticised over War Crimes Indictments”. 《Balkan Insight》 (영어). 2019년 10월 10일. 2019년 10월 10일에 확인함. 
  299. “Prosecutor v. Vujadin Popovic, Ljubisa Beara, Drago Nikolic, Ljubomir Borovcanin, Radivoje Miletic, Milan Gvero, and Vinko Pandurevic” (PDF). In the Motion, the Prosecution submits that both the existence and implementation of the plan to create an ethnically pure Bosnian Serb state by Bosnian Serb political and military leaders are facts of common knowledge and have been held to be historical and accurate in a wide range of sources. 
  300. “ICTY: Radoslav Brđanin judgement”. 2009년 4월 14일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 
  301. “Tadic Case: The Verdict”. Importantly, the objectives remained the same: to create an ethnically pure Serb State by uniting Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and extending that State from the FRY […] to the Croatian Krajina along the important logistics and supply line that went through opstina Prijedor, thereby necessitating the expulsion of the non-Serb population of the opstina. 
  302. “ICTY: Kordić and Čerkez verdict” (PDF). 
  303. “Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stojic, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin Coric and Berislav Pusic” (PDF). Significantly, the Trial Chamber held that a reasonable Trial Chamber, could make a finding beyond any reasonable doubt that all of these acts were committed to carry out a plan aimed at changing the ethnic balance of the areas that formed Herceg-Bosna and mainly to deport the Muslim population and other non-Croat population out of Herceg-Bosna to create an ethnically pure Croatian territory within Herceg-Bosna. 
  304. Address at Potočari Memorial Cemetery Archived 3 April 2009 - 웨이백 머신., un.org, 23 June 2004.
  305. Peter W. Galbraith. “Galbraith telegram” (PDF). United States Department of State. 
  306. A resolution expressing the sense of the Senate regarding the massacre at Srebrenica in July 1995, thomas.loc.gov; accessed 25 April 2015.
  307. “Sense Tribunal: SERBIA FOUND GUILTY OF FAILURE TO PREVENT AND PUNISH GENOCIDE”. 2009년 7월 30일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  308. Statement of the President of the Court [깨진 링크], icj-cij.org; accessed 25 April 2015.
  309. Crowe, David M. (2013). 《War Crimes, Genocide, and Justice: A Global History》. Palgrave Macmillan. 343쪽. ISBN 978-0-230-62224-1. 
  310. Osborn, Andrew (2001년 2월 23일). “Mass rape ruled a war crime”. 《The Guardian》 (London, UK). 2009년 6월 26일에 확인함. 
  311. “Hague court upholds rape charges”. BBC. 2002년 6월 12일. 2009년 6월 30일에 확인함. 
  312. “Opening Statement of Senator Dick Durbin Chairman, Subcommittee on Human Rights and the Law Hearing on "Rape as a Weapon of War: Accountability for Sexual Violence in Conflict". United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary. 1 April 2008. 27 June 2009에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 30 June 2009에 확인함. 
  313. Stiglmayer, Alexandra; Marion Faber; Cynthia Enloe; Roy Gutman (1994). 《Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina》. University of Nebraska Press. 85, 86, 198쪽. ISBN 978-0-8032-9229-1. 
  314. “ICTY: The attack against the civilian population and related requirements”. 2009년 2월 19일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 4월 25일에 확인함. 
  315. “The Society for Threatened Peoples (GfbV): Documentation about war crimes – Tilman Zülch”. 2008년 3월 9일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 
  316. 030306IA ICTY Archived 26 December 2008 - 웨이백 머신., un.org; accessed 25 April 2015.
  317. “Prosecutor v. Biljana Plavsic judgement” (PDF). Biljana Plavsic was sentenced to 11 years' imprisonment. 
  318. “Prosecutor v. Momcilo Krajisnik judgement” (PDF). Sentenced to 27 years' imprisonment 
  319. “Prosecutor v. Duško Tadić – Judgement” (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 1997년 7월 14일. 2009년 11월 3일에 확인함. 
  320. “Prosecutor v. Radovan Karadžić – Second Amended Indictment” (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2009년 2월 26일. 2009년 8월 18일에 확인함. 
  321. “Bosnia-Herzegovina: Karadžić life sentence sends powerful message to the world”. Amnesty International. 2019년 3월 20일. 2019년 4월 10일에 확인함. 
  322. “Prosecutor v. Ratko Mladic – Amended Indictment” (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2002년 11월 8일. 2009년 8월 18일에 확인함. 
  323. Bowcott, Owen; Borger, Julian (2017년 11월 22일). “Ratko Mladić convicted of genocide and war crimes at UN tribunal”. 《The Guardian》 (영어). ISSN 0261-3077. 2017년 11월 22일에 확인함. 
  324. “Prosecutor seeks 28-year jail term for Vojislav Šešelj”. 《BBC News》. 2012년 3월 7일. 
  325. “Milosevic charged with Bosnia genocide”. 《BBC News》. 2001년 11월 23일. 
  326. “Milosevic found dead in his cell”. 《BBC News》. 2006년 3월 11일. 
  327. Castle, Stephen (23 October 2003). “Bosnian leader was suspected of war crimes”. 《The Independent》. 26 August 2014에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 
  328. Case Information Sheet: Rasim Delić, icty.org; accessed 19 May 2015.
  329. Hadzihasanovic i Kubura – sažetak - Archived 24 July 2008 - 웨이백 머신.
  330. “Celebici case: the Judgement of the Trial Chamber – press release”. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 1998년 11월 16일. 2012년 5월 13일에 확인함. 
  331. "ČELEBIĆI CAMP" (IT-96-21) – case information sheet” (PDF). United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2008. 2009년 5월 13일에 확인함. 
  332. Halilović Trial Chamber Judgement 2005, 8쪽.
  333. "Bosnia Opens Trial of Muslims for War Crimes" Archived 22 April 2012 - 웨이백 머신., Yahoo.com, 19 April 2012; retrieved 19 May 2015.
  334. “Six Senior Herceg-Bosna Officials Convicted”. 《icty.org》. 2013년 5월 29일. 
  335. “Ministry: ICTY confirms Croatia wasn't responsible”. 《EBL News》. 2016년 7월 19일. 
  336. “ICTY denies Croatia's request to be included in Prlic et al appeal”. 《EBL News》. 2016년 7월 19일. 
  337. ICTY cases, indictments and proceedings Archived 6 August 2009 - 웨이백 머신., un.org; accessed 19 May 2015.
  338. Serb leader apologises in Bosnia, bbc.co.uk; accessed 19 May 2015.
  339. “Croatian president apologizes to Bosnia over war”. CBC. 2010년 4월 14일. 2012년 11월 10일에 확인함. 
  340. "Serbian Declaration on Srebrenica Massacre an Imperfect but Important Step", International Center for Transitional Justice; accessed 19 May 2015.
  341. Campbell, David (1998). “Metabosnia: Narratives of the Bosnian War”. 《Review of International Studies》 24 (2): 261–81. doi:10.1017/S0260210598002617. JSTOR 20097522. 
  342. Bose 2002, 21쪽.
  343. “Genocide, War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity: Topical Digests of the Case Law of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia”. Human Rights Watch. February 2004. 2017년 11월 29일에 확인함. 
  344. Workman, Timothy (2010년 7월 27일). “The Government of the Republic of Serbia vs. Ejup Ganić” (PDF). City of Westminster Magistrates' Court. 3쪽. 2010년 8월 3일에 원본 문서 (PDF)에서 보존된 문서. 2011년 3월 4일에 확인함. 
  345. Kaldor, Mary (2007). 《New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era》 2판. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-3863-8. 
  346. Hak, Andrea (2016년 11월 5일). “5 Bosnian Films You Need to See”. Culture Trip. 2017년 10월 24일에 확인함. 
  347. “Women in love”. 《The Economist》. 2006년 11월 16일. 2017년 10월 24일에 확인함. 
  348. “IFFR: "Remake". 《iffr.com》. 2015년 8월 26일에 원본 문서에서 보존된 문서. 2015년 8월 26일에 확인함. 
  349. “32. Internacionalni Film Festival Rotterdam”. 《sarajevo-X.com》. 2003년 1월 22일. 2015년 8월 27일에 확인함. 
  350. “Dino Mustafić novo je veliko ime evropske kinematografije: Njegov film "Remake" najgledaniji je u Rotterdamu”. 《infobiro.ba》. 2003년 1월 30일. 2015년 8월 26일에 확인함. 
  351. “KVIFF PROGRAMME”. 《kviff.com》. 2010년 7월 8일. 2017년 11월 11일에 확인함. 
  352. “The Abandoned”. 《filmneweurope.com》. 2010년 7월 5일. 2017년 11월 11일에 확인함. 
  353. “Svjetska premijera filma "Ostavljeni" Adisa Bakrača”. 《klix.ba》. 2010년 7월 1일. 2017년 11월 11일에 확인함. 
  354. “ČUDO U BOSNI”. 《bhfilm.ba》. 2018년 1월 5일에 확인함. 
  355. “CUDO U BOSNI (1995)”. 《bfi.org.uk》. 2018년 1월 5일에 확인함. 
  356. “Film i rat”. 《bhdani.ba》. 2002년 4월 5일. 2018년 1월 19일에 확인함. 
  357. Jukic, Elvira M. (2015년 8월 17일). “Sarajevo Festival-Goers Overflow at Holbrooke Film”. Balkan Insight. 2019년 5월 7일에 확인함. 
  358. Whitaker, Raymond (1998년 4월 12일). “Painful lessons in how to say no”. 《The Independent》. 2016년 11월 19일에 확인함. 
  359. Barnes, Mark (2013년 9월 25일). “Winter Warriors – Across Bosnia with the PBI review”. War History Online. 2016년 4월 9일에 확인함. 
  360. 《My War Gone By, I Miss It So》. ASIN 0140298541. 
  361. “Just the 2 of U”. 《The Irish Times》. 2009년 2월 27일. 2009년 3월 9일에 확인함. 

Further reading편집

Books편집

Journals편집

Other sources편집

External links편집


틀:Bosnian War 틀:Yugoslav wars 틀:Post-Cold War European conflicts 틀:Bosnia and Herzegovina topics 틀:Yugoslavia topics