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위키프로젝트:경제/번역장/이매뉴얼 월러스틴

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임매뉴얼 월러스틴
상트 페테르부르크 유러피언 대학교에서 열린 세미나에서 발언하는 임매뉴얼 월러스틴 (2008년 5월 24일)
상트 페테르부르크 유러피언 대학교에서 열린 세미나에서 발언하는 임매뉴얼 월러스틴 (2008년 5월 24일)
출생 1930년 9월 28일(1930-09-28)(93세)
미국, 뉴욕
국적 미국 미국
주요 업적 세계체제론
분야 사회학
소속 빙엄턴 대학교
박사 교수 칼 마르크스
페르낭 브로델
폴 A. 바란
앙드레 군더 프랑크

임매뉴얼 모리스 월러스틴 (1930년 9월 28일 뉴욕 출생) 은 미국의 사회학자이자, 역사 사회과학자이고, 세계체제 분석가이다. 그의 국제관계에 관한 저술들은 격월로 Agence Global에서 판매되고 있다.

학수 경력 편집

월러스틴은 뉴욕시에서 십대 때 처음 국제관계에 관심을 가지기 시작했고, 특히 인도에서 일어난 반 식민 운동에 큰 관심을 보였다. 컬럼비아 대학교에 진학하여 당 대학에서 미술학 학사 학위를 받았으며, 1954년에 석사 학위를 취득하고 1959년에 박사 학위를 취득하였다. 이후에는 맥길 대학교에서 사회학 교수로 재직하며 강의했다. 1973년에는 African Studies Association의 대표가 되었다. 1976년부터는 빙엄튼 대학교의 저명한 사회학 교수가 되어 1999년 은퇴 전까지 강의하였고, 페르낭 브로델 센터의 총수로써 빙엄튼 대학교에서 경제학 연구, 역사적 체계와 문명에 대해 2005년 까지 강의하였다. 월러스틴은 전 세계적으로 각 대학에서 방문교수의 지위를 지니고 있으며, 다수의 명예 칭호를 수여받았고, 때때로 프랑스 파리 사회과학고등연구원에서 Directeur d'études associé로 일했고, 1994년부터 1998년까지 국제사회학협회의 대표였다.

1990년대에 그는 굴벤키안 위원회를 설립하였다. 그 위원회의 목표는 향후 50년간 이루어질 사회과학적 연구들에게 있어 지평을 제시하는 것이었다.

2000년에 그는 예일 사회학부 선임연구원으로 참여했다. 그는 또한 Social Evolution & History Journal의 편집 자문위원이기도 하다. In 2003 he received the Career of Distinguished Scholarship Award from the American Sociological Association.

이론 편집

월러스틴은 해방 후 아프리카의 국제문제에 대한 전문가로 시작하였고, 1951년에 있었던 국제 청소년 학회 이후 그의 연구의 초점을 여기에 두었다. 그의 저작물은 그가 국제 자본주의 거시경제의 역사가와 이론가로 명성을 떨치던 1970년대 초반까지 거의 모든 것이 아프리카 국제문제에 관한 것이었다. His early criticism of global capitalism and championship of "anti-systemic movements" have recently made him a gray eminence with the anti-globalization movement within and without the academic community, along with Noam Chomsky and Pierre Bourdieu.

His most important work, The Modern World-System, appeared in three volumes in 1974, 1980 and 1989. In it, Wallerstein mainly draws on three intellectual influences:

  • Karl Marx, whom he follows in emphasizing underlying economic factors and their dominance over ideological factors in global politics, and whose economic thinking he has adopted with such ideas as the dichotomy between capital and labor, the view of world economic development through stages such as feudalism and capitalism, belief in the accumulation of capital, dialectics and more;
  • French historian Fernand Braudel, who had described the development and political implications of extensive networks of economic exchange in the European world between 1400 and 1800;
  • Dependency theory, most obviously its concepts of "core" and "periphery";
  • and — presumably — the practical experience and impressions gained from his own work regarding post-colonial Africa.

Wallerstein has also stated that a major influence on his work was the 'world revolution' of 1968. He was on the faculty of Columbia University at the time of the student uprising there and participated in a faculty committee that attempted to resolve the dispute. He has argued in several works that this revolution marked the end of 'liberalism' as a viable ideology in the modern world system.

One aspect of his work that Wallerstein certainly deserves credit for is his anticipating the growing importance of the North-South Conflict at a time when the main world conflict was the Cold War.

Wallerstein rejects the notion of a "Third World", claiming there is only one world connected by a complex network of economic exchange relationships — i.e., a "world-economy" or "world-system" in which the "dichotomy of capital and labor" and the endless "accumulation of capital" by competing agents (historically including but not limited to nation-states) account for frictions. This approach is known as the World Systems Theory.

Wallerstein locates the origin of the "modern world-system" in 16th-century Western Europe and the Americas. An initially only slight advance in capital accumulation in Britain, the Dutch Republic and France, due to specific political circumstances at the end of the period of feudalism, set in motion a process of gradual expansion. As a result only one global network or system of economic exchange exists. By the 19th century, virtually every area on earth was incorporated into the capitalist world-economy.

The capitalist world-system is far from homogeneous in cultural, political and economic terms — instead characterized by fundamental differences in social development, accumulation of political power and capital. Contrary to affirmative theories of modernization and capitalism, Wallerstein does not conceive of these differences as mere residues or irregularities that can and will be overcome as the system evolves.

A lasting division of the world in core, semi-periphery and periphery is an inherent feature of the world-system. Areas which have so far remained outside the reach of the world-system enter it at the stage of 'periphery'. There is a fundamental and institutionally stabilized 'division of labor' between core and periphery: while the core has a high level of technological development and manufactures complex products, the role of the periphery is to supply raw materials, agricultural products and cheap labor for the expanding agents of the core. Economic exchange between core and periphery takes place on unequal terms: the periphery is forced to sell its products at low prices but has to buy the core's products at comparatively high prices. This unequal state which once established tends to stabilize itself due to inherent, quasi-deterministic constraints. The statuses of core and periphery are not exclusive and fixed geographially; instead they are relative to each other: there is a zone called 'semi-periphery' which acts as a periphery to the core and a core to the periphery. At the end of the 20th century, this zone would comprise, Eastern Europe, China, Brazil or Mexico. Peripheral and core zones can also co-exist in the same place.

One effect of the expansion of the world-system is the commodification of things, including human labor. Natural resources, land, labor and human relationships are gradually being stripped of their "intrinsic" value and turned into commodities in a market which dictates their exchange value.

In the last two decades, Wallerstein has increasingly focused on the intellectual foundations of the modern world system, the 'structures of knowledge' defined by the disciplinary division between sociology, anthropology, political science, economics and the humanities and the pursuit of universal theories of human behavior. Wallerstein regards the structures of knowledge as Eurocentric. In analysing them, he has been highly influenced by the 'new sciences' of theorists like Ilya Prigogine.

He has argued since 1980 that the United States is a 'hegemon in decline'. He was often mocked for making this claim during the 90s but since the Iraq war this argument has become more widespread. He has also argued that the modern world system has reached its end. He believes that the next 50 years will be a period of chaotic instability which will result in a new system, one which may be more or less egalitarian than the present one.

Wallerstein's theory has also provoked harsh criticism, not only from neo-liberal or conservative circles but even some historians who say that some of his assertions may be historically incorrect. Some critics suggest that Wallerstein tends to neglect the cultural dimension, reducing it to what some call "official" ideologies of states which can then easily be revealed as mere agencies of economic interest. Nevertheless his analytical approach, along with that of associated theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank, Terence Hopkins, Samir Amin, Christopher Chase-Dunn and Giovanni Arrighi has made a significant impact and established an institutional base devoted to the general approach. It has also attracted strong interest from the anti-globalization movement.

Wallerstein has both participated in and written about the World Social Forum.

Terms and definitions 편집

Capitalist World-System
This definition of Wallerstein follows Dependency Theory, which intended to combine the developments of the different societies since the 16th century in different regions into one collective development. The main characteristic of Wallerstein's definition is the development of a global division of labour, including the existence of independent political units (in this case, states) at the same time. There is no political centre, compared to global empires like the Roman Empire; instead the capitalist world system is integrated on the world market. It is divided into core, semi-periphery and periphery, and is ruled by the capitalist method of production. The ideal type of market is capitalism.

Core/Periphery
Defines the difference between developed countries and developing countries, characterized e.g. by power or wealth. The core stands refers to developed countries, and the periphery is a synonym for the dependent developing countries. The main reason for the position of the developed countries is economic power.

Semi-periphery
Defines states that are located between core and periphery, they benefit from the periphery through unequal exchange relations. At the same time, the core benefits from the semi-periphery through unequal exchange relations.

Quotations 편집

From Historical Capitalism with Capitalist Civilization, p. 98:

It is simply not true that capitalism as a historical system has represented progress over the various previous historical systems that it destroyed or transformed. Even as I write this, I feel the tremour that accompanies the sense of blasphemy. I fear the wrath of the gods, for I have been moulded in the same ideological forge as all my compeers and have worshipped at the same shrines.

From The Modern World-System, vol. I, p. 233:

In the sixteenth century, Europe was like a bucking bronco. The attempt of some groups to establish a world-economy based on a particular division of labor, to create national states in the core areas as politico-economic guarantors of this system, and to get the workers to pay not only the profits but the costs of maintaining the system was not easy. It was to Europe's credit that it was done, since without the thrust of the sixteenth century the modern world would not have been born and, for all its cruelties, it is better that it was born than that it had not been.

It is also to Europe's credit that it was not easy, and particularly that it was not easy because the people who paid the short-run costs screamed lustily at the unfairness of it all. The peasants and workers in Poland and England and Brazil and Mexico were all rambunctious in their various ways. As R. H. Tawney says of the agrarian disturbances of sixteenth-century England: 'Such movements are a proof of blood and sinew and of a high and gallant spirit. . . . Happy the nation whose people has not forgotten how to rebel.'

The mark of the modern world is the imagination of its profiteers and the counter-assertiveness of the oppressed. Exploitation and the refusal to accept exploitation as either inevitable or just constitute the continuing antinomy of the modern era, joined together in a dialectic which has far from reached its climax in the twentieth century.

Works 편집

  • 1961: Africa, The Politics of Independence. New York: Vintage Books.
  • 1964: The Road to Independence: Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Paris & The Hague: Mouton.
  • 1967: Africa: The Politics of Unity. New York: Random House.
  • 1969: University in Turmoil: The Politics of Change. New York: Atheneum.
  • 1972 (with Evelyn Jones Rich): Africa: Tradition & Change. New York: Random House.
  • 1974: The Modern World-System, vol. I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York/London: Academic Press.
  • 1979: The Capitalist World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • 1980: The Modern World-System, vol. II: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600-1750. New York: Academic Press.
  • 1982 (with Terence K. Hopkins et al.): World-Systems Analysis: Theory and Methodology. Beverly Hills: Sage.
  • 1982 (with Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi and Andre Gunder Frank): Dynamics of Global Crisis. London: Macmillan.
  • 1983: Historical Capitalism. London: Verso.
  • 1984: The Politics of the World-Economy. The States, the Movements and the Civilizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • 1986: Africa and the Modern World. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.
  • 1989: The Modern World-System, vol. III: The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840's. San Diego: Academic Press.
  • 1989 (with Giovanni Arrighi and Terence K. Hopkins): Antisystemic Movements. London: Verso.
  • 1990 (with Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi and Andre Gunder Frank): Transforming the Revolution: Social Movements and the World-System. New York: Monthly Review Press.
  • 1991 (with Étienne Balibar): Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. London: Verso.
  • 1991: Geopolitics and Geoculture: Essays on the Changing World-System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • 1991: Unthinking Social Science: The Limits of Nineteenth Century Paradigms. Cambridge: Polity.
  • 1995: After Liberalism. New York: New Press.
  • 1995: Historical Capitalism, with Capitalist Civilization. London: Verso.
  • 1998: Utopistics: Or, Historical Choices of the Twenty-first Century. New York: New Press.
  • 1999: The End of the World As We Know It: Social Science for the Twenty-first Century. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
  • 2003: Decline of American Power: The U.S. in a Chaotic World. New York: New Press.
  • 2004: The Uncertainties of Knowledge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
  • 2004: World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press.
  • 2004: Alternatives: The U.S. Confronts the World. Boulder, Colorado: Paradigm Press.
  • 2006: European Universalism: The Rhetoric of Power. New York: New Press.

See also 편집

References 편집

External links 편집

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